ACOGUATE turns 15!

This year, ACOGUATE honors 15 years providing a physical international presence to threatened Guatemalan human rights defenders as they work towards social justice and transformation. 

In 2000, NISGUA joined international accompaniment organizations from Canada and Austria to form ACOGUATE, drawing from experiences accompanying refugee communities during their return to Guatemala from Mexico in the mid 1990s. Since that time, committees from seven other European countries - including France, Sweden, Germany, Spain, England, Denmark and Switzerland - have joined the coalition. While the initial request for accompaniment came from the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR) as they launched the legal cases against former military for committing genocide and crimes against humanity during the internal armed conflict, ACOGUATE's mandate has expanded over the past 15 years to include other cases of truth and justice, labor rights and the defense of land, life, and territory. 

Since ACOGUATE's inception, more than 600 international volunteers have dedicated anywhere from 3 months to two years to this project and have returned home to continue to ensure that Guatemalan voices speaking out against human rights violations do not go unheard.

Read NISGUA's reflections on how accompaniment has changed over the years.

ACOGUATE's report, "Enduring bonds: Although we part ways, we walk together" was published to commemorate the anniversary. In the report's introduction, the founding coordinators of the project remark: 

"Celebrating 15 years is two sides of the same coin: on the one side, we value the efforts of many volunteers from different parts of the world who continue to be involved in the project; on the flipside, we are witnessing continued insecurity at the level of the state, which should be guaranteeing the rights of its citizens without exception. In spite of advances in truth, justice and defense of life in Guatemala, extreme poverty continues alongside violence, racism and the exploitation of natural resources without the free, prior and informed consent of communities."

Víctor Sales of the Departmental Assembly of Huehuetenango (ADH)
calls for continued solidarity. Photo credit: Jhonathan F. Goméz

Their comments were echoed by many of the people who attended the publication launch, including several people and organizations that we accompany.

Anselmo Roldán, the current president of the AJR and former NISGUA speaking tour participant spoke about his experiences with accompaniment:

"I remember the beginnings of international accompaniment, when agreements were made between the refugee-led Permanent Commissions and the government. At the time, accompaniment was the eyes for Guatemala as we once again reintegrated into our normal lives and continued our fight for justice. We must recognize this important work - a type of accompaniment that is up close and personal, near to us, that each accompanier plays a role in our struggle. They are our compañeros. They help us denounce what is happening - not only the crimes of the past but the current reality as well. 

Thank you. I am grateful to the international accompaniment that is present today and continues to act in solidarity with Guatemala."

AJR President Anselmo Roldán speaks about the importance of ongoing
accompaniment.  Photo credit: Jhonathan F. Goméz

Online copies of ACOGUATE's publication are expected soon.

Uncertainty around the Xalalá Hydroelectric Project

Posted on February 28, 2015 by ACOGUATE

Translation by NISGUA

On November 7, 2013, the National Electrification Institute (Instituto Nacional de Electrificación, INDE) signed an Emergency Purchase contract with the Brazilian company Intertechne Consultores, S.A. to conduct the geotechnical, seismic, geological and geophysical feasibility studies for the Xalalá dam, without informing and consulting the affected communities. More than a year later, affected communities organized through the Association of Communities for Development, Defense of Territory and Natural Resources (ACODET) are still waiting for the decision of the Constitutional Court on the irregularities of the contract and the lack of consent.

Photo credit: ACOGUATE archive

Even though the company was unable to begin their groundwork during 2014, tension in the region has increased. On December 12, the Ministry of Energy and Mines declared it would no longer be actively pushing the Xalalá project forward during the current administration, however communities remain concerned about its continued development. ACOGUATE has accompanied ACODET since 2007 and accompanied consultations in the Ixcán and Uspantán in 2007 and 2010.

Legal action against irregularities within the contract and the right to be consulted
The Xalalá dam is currently the largest planned hydroelectric project in Guatemala. With a generating capacity of 181 megawatts, if built, the dam would be the second most powerful in the country after the Chixoy dam. It is estimated to directly affect 58 communities in the region.  The contract signed between INDE and Intertechne Consultores, S.A. on November 7, 2013 is for a period of 12 months,  and is now being questioned due to irregularities in the contract.

On April 10, 2014, the office of the General Comptroller (Contraloría General de Cuentas, CGC) filed a legal complaint against 12 members of the INDE board of directors, noting irregularities in contracting the Brazilian company to conduct the feasibility studies of the Xalalá dam - a contract valued at Q40.8 million.  According to the General Comptroller, Nora Segura: "It is clear that the adjudication process of the feasibility study was not transparent. There are many irregularities and neither the law nor the internal process of INDE were respected, much less the government procurement law, which is why a criminal complaint was filed.”  In particular, the CGC called attention to three irregularities, stating that they infringed upon government procurement law:

• INDE hired Intertechne directly without going through the public bidding process of GUATECOMPRAS, claiming a national emergency,
• INDE paid an advance that was 20% higher than the maximum allowed for the contract, and
• At the time of signing the contract, the Brazilian company did not have headquarters in Guatemala but instead, established a subsidiary company 60 days later.  

A month later, Amilcar Pop, the President of the Congressional Committee on Integrity (CGC), filed a complaint against members of the INDE board of directors - including Minister of Energy and Mines Erick Archila, former INDE Manager Marinus Boer, and INDE Project Manager Widthmark Estrada - for fraud, abuse of authority, embezzlement and failure to report to the Office of Administrative Offences of the Public Prosecutor's Office.  Amilcar Pop found that the contracting process was set out to directly benefit Intertechne. Alongside the CGC, Amilcar Pop found that the lack of offers from interested companies to conduct the feasibility study - leading to the eventual abandoning of the study in March 2013 - was likely due to INDE's requirement that each company pay $10,000 US just for the right to participate in the bidding process. According to Amilcar Pop: "While complying with legal requirements, that condition was put in place to guarantee that no one would participate and therefore, demonstrate the need to award the contract without any competition."

Even President Otto Peréz Molina gave contradictory answers regarding the irregularities. He called for the resignation of INDE’s manager, Marius Boer, who retired a week before being called to present before Congress.  On April 10, Otto Peréz Molina publicly stated that he was in agreement with the cancellation of the contract. He changed his discourse three days later, however, when he said that the feasibility study for the Xalalá hydroelectric dam was of national priority,  and therefore, INDE was exempt from following the Law of Contracts and Purchasing and instead, needed only to follow its own internal decision-making procedures.  Since the start of the project, the government has stated on several occasions that Xalalá is a priority and that feasibility studies would be carried out during Molina's administration. It was not until December 12, 2014 that the Minister of Energy and Mines stated the administration would not actively push the Xalalá project forward, feasibility studies would continue despite ongoing opposition and it would be the next administration which would make a decision.

Photo credit: ACOGUATE archive

The Supreme Court denied the preliminary hearings requested to contract Intertechne. The Attorney General's Office declared itself unfit to rule on the impacts of the contract, arguing that the Office could not intervene in the activities of an autonomous institution like INDE.  On June 12, 2014, affected communities represented by ancestral authorities of the Xalalá and Las Margaritas Copón communities filed an injunction against the irregularities of the INDE contract and Intertechne. On July 22, ancestral authorities went before the Procedural Complaints Court and with legal support from Maya Lawyers and third-party support from Congressman Amílcar Pop, argued the illegality of Intertechne’s contracting process. They also presented arguments around the lack of consultation with the communities before the contract was signed, effectively ignoring the results of the community consultations in the municipalities of Ixcán in 2007 and Uspantán in 2010.  INDE failed to appear at the public hearing.

In its decision, the Court declared the injunction to be of partial merit and recognized the lack of prior and informed consultation with the communities by INDE. However, the Court did not annul the contract, stating that it would be the responsibility of the Public Prosecutor's Office, who defended the contract at the public hearing. In addition, the Court's ruling requested that impacted communities participate in the study, which was subsequently appealed by ancestral authorities, the Congressional Committee on Integrity, and INDE.

In its second public hearing on October 8, 2014 in the Constitutional Court, INDE argued that they did in fact consult communities, presenting the "right to passage" signed by various Community Development Councils (COCODEs) in the region as evidence. However, the ancestral authorities insisted that no consultation process took place and that INDE only came to communities to offer development projects, which cannot replace consultation in accordance with national and international law. Likewise, the chairman of the Congressional Committee on Integrity argued that, "These rights were not respected in the least, and [the contract] threatenes the constitutional right of the Guatemalan people, as outlined in Articles 58, 66 and 67 of the Constitution, where the rights of indigenous peoples are recognized."  He also noted there were already two feasibility studies made in the 1970s, which showed the soil in the region where the dam would be built is too sandy, making it unfit to withstand the planned Xalalá construction. In addition, this puts into question the justification of a new feasibility study, with a demonstrated lack of transparency on part of INDE in relation to the project. A decision on the injunction is still pending from the Constitutional Court.

Strong Impact on Affected Communities

During 2014, tension in communities affected by the Xalalá project increased, leading to divisions within and among communities that have differing opinions on the dam's construction. Although Intertechne has not appeared in the area, affected communities have claimed that INDE and the Ministry of Planning and Programming (SEGEPLAN) have tried to convince people by coopting leaders and COCODEs, conditioning rural electrification on the acceptance of the dam, as well as offering development projects outlined in the "Immediate Action Plan 2013-2014 Xalalá - Investment for Development." Affected communities organized within ACODET have also suffered heavy pressure, militarization and defamation. Community leaders feel greater concern since the signing of the contract in November 2013. As one community member states: "How can one live when under constant threat?"

According to Amnesty International, there has been an increase in military presence in various locations in Guatemala under the current government, especially in regions with a high percentage of indigenous peoples and strong opposition to megaprojects. This militarization is justified through defamation and criminalization, where leaders are accused of being terrorists or drug traffickers.  The army arrived twice in the region in 2014. On February 25, a military and police convoy arrived at the entrance of the Q'eqch'i communities of Las Margaritas Copón and Xalalá, allegedly due to a complaint about the suspected presence of drug traffickers in the Xalalá community.  Yet no one from the community of Xalalá had registered the complaint.  Nevertheless, several news outlets had already circulated the announcement made by the Minister of the Interior about the presence of drug traffickers in Xalalá, linking communities directly with drug trafficking; Prensa Libre tweeted: "An armed command pressures the population of Xalalá, Ixcán, Quiché to get involved in drug trafficking.”

Photo credit: ACOGUATE archive

Given these circumstances, ACODET believes this to be the continuation of a governmental strategy to impose the construction of the Xalalá project: “Under these circumstances, we understand that the government is trying to terrorize our communities, discredit our struggle against the imposition of the Xalalá dam and justify the presence of military troops in our territory."  Two months later on May 5, military and police convoys returned to the neighboring community, Copalá la Esperanza, in the municipality of Cobán, Alta Verapaz. They arrived in the community in the morning, without warning and armed with machine guns,  explaining that the purpose of their presence was to patrol the area and to cross the river. Since Copalá is a community of returned refugees who fled during the internal armed conflict, the unexpected arrival of the army caused much concern and fear among the community. Community members stated:

"The presence of the military in our community without our consent causes us great concern, as they came heavily armed as if they were coming to wage war against us while we are in times of peace. Their presence causes fear, despair, and reminds us of the traumas inflicted during the internal armed conflict. They turned us into victims of war and we continue to be victimized by the threats their presence brings to our territory; just seeing them causes panic..." 

Concern for the Violation of Fundamental Rights

Reacting to the two military incursions, communities of ACODET cite Article 30 of the Declaration of the United Nations on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: "No military activities will take place in the lands or territories of indigenous peoples...”  They affirm that entering without consent into their communities violates their right to self-determination, their territory and their ancestral authorities –rights guaranteed by various international treaties. They demand that this type of activity not be repeated.  “There is concern among communities that INDE could enter by force to conduct the studies. Communities live under constant tension, wondering how and when they might enter. Given the violent evictions by the police in 2014 in other parts of the country such as in La Puya and Monte Olivo, the community leaders of ACODET are worried they could face a similar situation.
The Office of the Human Rights Ombudsman (PDH) also expressed its concern about the situation in May 2014: "With the [construction of] the Xalalá dam, three fundamental rights are being violated: the right to life, to live in a healthy environment and the right to health."  On several occasions, leaders and social organizations in the region who oppose the dam have been slandered by local and national actors.

Communities threatened by the construction of the dam have filed complaints with human rights organizations about the use of the Rural Electrification Project Las Copones (Proyecto de Electrificación Rural Los Copones) to carry out the Xalalá project. It has also been reported that INDE geologists have enterred communities by using the legitimate request for bringing electricity to the communities as a substitute for free, prior and informed consent. This action has caused division and confrontations within communities.  At a meeting held in Ascension Copón, Uspantán in December 2013, shortly after signing the contract with Intertechne, senior staff of INDE (Manager Marinus Boer and Project Development Manager Widthmark Estrada) agreed to begin the feasibility studies for the electrification of nine communities.  However, there has still been no progress made in electrification.

In the same manner, humanitarian aid has been conditioned. In March 2014, Uspantán Mayor Victor Hugo Figueroa conditioned material support and equipment to open up roads after heavy landslides in the Zona Reina, Uspantán, in exchange for the acceptance of the presence of INDE engineers who were to perform the technical studies needed to advance rural electrification.  [In the landslides], 27 families of the community of Playitas Copón lost their homes, their livestock and crops and had to take refuge in neighboring communities, where they lived under plastic tents without access to potable water or plumbing.  Since the communities did not accept these conditions, the mayor delayed the road repairs and waited until seven months later - in October - to deliver rooftops and food.

Due to the lack of official information since 2007 on the possible impact of the dam construction, ACODET has requested meetings with relevant state authorities.  In January 2014, the project development manager of INDE began to talk about a design change for the dam, stating that instead of a large hydroelectric dam, there could be several medium-sized ones on both tributaries (Chixoy and Copón. He subsequently argued that the concerns of affected communities are disproportionate to possible damages.

It is important to note that a meeting was held on November 13, 2013, in San Juan Chactelá, Ixcán, between representatives of INDE and communities from Ixcán, Uspantán and Coban who will be directly or indirectly affected by the construction of the dam. At the meeting, INDE failed to mention that the contract with Intertechne had already been signed six days prior.  The International Mission of FIAN, CIFCA, CIDSE and APRODEV that visited two communities of the region in November 2014 found that, "communities do not have adequate information and have not been adequately consulted," and reminded "the state of its responsibility to provide accurate, complete and objective information on topics of interest to the community."  According to Article 169 of the International Labor Organization (ILO), ratified by Guatemala in 1996, the state has an obligation to "consult the affected people using appropriate procedures, particularly through their representative institutions, whenever carrying out legislative or administrative activities that may directly affect them."

For a complete list of sources, please see the original article on the ACOGUATE blog.

Comunidades de Santa Rosa y Jalapa lanzan campaña contra la expansión de Tahoe Resources

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Comunicado de Prensa: Comunidades Organizadas en Defensa del Territorio y la Naturaleza de Santa Rosa y Jalapa

Valla anti-minera ubicada en Mataquescuintla, Jalapa. Photo NISGUA

Desde el año 2012 a la fecha, en nuestros municipios se han realizado Consultas Municipales a Solicitud de Vecinos, en las cuales más de 53 mil vecinas y vecinos, todos ciudadanos en legitimo ejercicio de nuestros derechos ciudadanos, hemos manifestado de manera legal, que NO ESTAMOS DE ACUERDO, con la actividad de minería química de metales, en ninguna parte de nuestro territorio. Estas consultas han sido declaradas constitucionalmente legales y vinculantes a nivel municipal, según resoluciones de la Corte de Constitucionalidad.

A pesar del claro rechazo a la minería química de metales en nuestro territorio, en complicidad con el Gobierno la Empresa Minera San Rafael, continúa con acciones enfocadas en entrar en nuestros municipios de manera solapada, a sabiendas que lo único que logran con ello es generar alta conflictividad y alteración de la paz social y la tranquilidad comunitaria. Una prueba clara de ello, es el otorgamiento de la licencias de exploración denominadas Juan Bosco y Andrés a penas en el primer cuatrimestre del 2,012 que afectan municipios de Santa Rosa, Jalapa y de Guatemala. Actualmente a pesar de la evidente oposición de nuestras comunidades el Ministerio de Ambiente y Recursos Naturales ha puesto ya a la vista el estudio de impacto ambiental 2014-EAI-4413 PROYECTO DE EXPLOTACION MINERA JUAN BOSCO LEXR-089-08, lo cual es un irrespeto a la clara voluntad del pueblo.

Según la presentación e información brindada a sus accionistas el pasado mes de junio, en Vancouver, Canadá Tahoe Resources Inc. Dueña de Minera San Rafael, S.A. pretenden explotar en nuestro territorio al menos 12 vetas de minerales, tales como oro, plata, zinc, etc. En un área de 2,498 kilómetros cuadrados a través de varias licencias, que ya han obtenido y otras que aun se encuentran en trámite, sin embargo venden a inversionistas este proyecto como si ya hubieran obtenido las tierras, argumentando que actualmente hay un gobierno pro-minero y que en Guatemala se paga una bajísima tasa de impuestos convirtiéndose en un negocio redondo, para ellos.

Ante esta grave situación, las comunidades que a través de la Consultas Municipales a solicitud de Vecinos y Consultas de Buena fé, hemos manifestado que no queremos minería química de metales en nuestros territorios, estamos hoy lanzando una campaña que busca dejar claro tanto a este Gobierno entreguista y pro-minero, como a las empresas mineras y sus accionistas que nuestra tierra no está en venta, que tenemos un modelo de desarrollo amigable con el ambiente y la madre tierra, que para nosotros el agua y la vida vale más, mucho más que la plata y el oro.

Por ello a lo largo de más de 100 kilómetros de carretera hemos colocado vallas en nuestros municipios, para que quienes entren en nuestros territorios, sepan que más del 98% de los vecinos no queremos minería química de metales y estamos en una constante resistencia pacífica en contra de estos proyectos.

Guatemala agosto de 2,014.

Center for Independent Media denounces attacks following its coverage of violence in Alta Verapaz

Below is NISGUA's translation of a press release by Guatemala's Center for Independent Media (CMI-G) regarding attacks suffered as a result of its coverage of the violent eviction of communities opposing the imposition of mega-projects in Alta Verapaz. For the original version in Spanish click here.

CMI denounces attacks following its coverage in Alta Verapaz 

Since a team from Guatemala's Center for Independent Media (CMI-G) began to cover the recent evictions in Alta Verapaz, a chain of attacks was initiated, among those cyber-attacks, which impeded the immediate publication of the information collected during the events. The eviction was carried out by the National Civil Police, the army, and civilians who were accompanying them in an irregular fashion. During these actions, more than 100 families were displaced, five community leaders were captured, and three campesinos were assassinated. These events have yet to be fully investigated.

This region, located in the northern part of the country, is characterized by strong interests surrounding hydroelectric projects; petroleum extraction and mining; as well as mono-culture crops for the production of agro-fuels and other products.

In this context, on the night of August 23, one individual, who resides with the two reporters who covered the previously mentioned evictions, was kidnapped. This person (whose name has been omitted for security reasons) was detained for several hours, and was threatened, beaten, and harassed. Along with the beating, direct threats were made against Gustavo Illescas, the author of the articles about the evictions, and against the work of CMI-G. For this action there are two complaints filed with the Attorney General's Office.

These were not the first attacks. The collective Emancipa Producciones, which forms part of CMI, suffered persecution during their coverage of the student protests (normalistas), and were harassed during the writing of a report about the installation of the Saqja’ hydroelectric dam (located in Purulhá). Attempts were made to impede their presentation of the documentary, “La Propuesta Impuesta”, during a film festival. Furthermore, during the different coverages of the anti-mining resistance “La Puya”, in San José del Golfo, independent journalists suffered intimidations, threats, and attempts to sensor the media. These acts were denounced in national courts. This judicial process — filed together with other alternative media journalists — resulted in the conviction of individuals from the mining company, Exmingua.

These acts of aggressions have coincided with evictions or repression against communities and social movements by the public security forces. In these cases, the business-controlled media outlets have dedicated little or no coverage to the events, or have just repeated the biased discourse of the government. CMI-G has not been the only organization attacked. Richard Busquets, journalist with the Campesino Unity Committee (CUC), has been criminalized and harassed on various occasions; Francisca Gómez Grijalva is expected to be brought to court over an opinion column in which she revealed the abuse of power by Cementos Progreso, among other cases.

CMI-G believes these attacks are concerning and indicate an increasing tendency since the current administration took power. The declarations of the Ministry of the Interior regarding the intention to regulate the circulation of critical content in social networks, as well as the proposed Law 4843 presented by the political party LIDER, represent attempts to create a legal precedent which would serve to accuse social reporters who cover certain themes of spying, terrorism and other crimes. These measures attempt to cause auto-censorship, to promote dis-information, and to isolate communities faced with a scenario of conflict and repression.

As a result, we publicly denounce these attacks. We manifest our solidarity with the people and collectives that suffer from repression, persecution, and government censorship. We demand that the Attorney General's Office conduct an immediate and effective investigation. We demand that the government respect the right to freedom of expression and emission of thought, as well as the physical integrity and work of all of those that document and share information regarding acts that threaten dignity and human rights. Without these guarantees, a real democracy is impossible.

Court rules that Guatemala must recognize results of community consultations

In an historic resolution, a Guatemalan Appeals Court ruled last week that the government must take into account the right to free, prior and informed consent when granting mining licenses on the lands of indigenous communities.

The ruling came in response to a legal action presented by the Sipakapense People's Council in March 2014, arguing that the Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM) failed to consider the results of a 2005 community consultation before granting the "Los Chocoyos" mining license to Entre Mares de Guatemala S.A., a subsidiary of Canadian mining company Goldcorp Inc. The 2005 referendum in Sipakapa overwhelming rejected mega-development projects on their territories, including mining, by a 99% margin.

The Sipakapense People's Council at a press conference after the Constitutional
Court ruled in their favor.
Photo: Consejo del Pueblo Maya

In their ruling, the court cited Convention 169 of the International Labor Organization (ILO 169), which grants indigenous communities the right of consultation before mega-development projects are constructed on their traditional lands. This international convention has been a vital resource for communities in Guatemala organizing in defense of their territories, especially when domestic law and the Guatemalan government has failed to provide legal pathways to reclaim rights to life and territory.

Community members commemorate the 8th
anniversary of the community consultation in Sipakapa, on June 18 2013.
Photo: SaraGuate

Since Guatemala ratified ILO 169 in 1996, legal uncertainty regarding the implementation of rights outlined in the international accord has left its application in a state of ambiguity. In previous rulings, the Constitutional Court established the legality of community consultations, however ruled that due to a lack of regulation regarding their implementation, the results do not have to be respected by state institutions - a tenuous position, as laws regarding the right to community referendum are outlined at the municipal level. This most recent ruling appears to strengthen the domestic standing of ILO 169 by requiring the government to recognize the results of community referendum when considering the allocation of mining licenses, but again stops short of making the results legally binding.

None the less, the court's latest decision represents an important victory for communities organizing in defense of life and territory, providing them with an important legal precedent that can be used in future court cases to compel the government to recognize the collective rights of indigenous peoples as well as their traditional forms of organization and representation.

The hillsides of Sipakapa, in north-western Guatemala.
Photo: James Rodríguez, mimundo.org

In accordance with the Constitutional Court's ruling, the results of the 2005 referendum will be handed over to MEM to be taken into account in their re-evaluation of the Los Chocoyos mining license, a process which the Ministry has six months to complete. The court has additionally ordered that MEM factor Guatemala's obligations as a signatory to ILO 169 into their consideration.

According to the Sipakapense People's Council, the implications of these rulings can only mean that the Los Chocoyos mining license is illegal and void, and as such all mining activity on Sipakapense territory must be immediately halted. To read the statement released by the Sipakapenses People's Council regarding the Constitutional Court's ruling, click here (in Spanish).

Comunicado de la ADH en solidaridad con presos políticos de Barillas y el pueblo de Sipakapa

El 14 de enero, el pueblo de Sipakapa se manifestó en contra de la licencia minera, Los Chocoyos, autorizado a Goldcorp Inc. Al principio del mes, el Consejo Maya Sipakapense y el Consejo de los Pueblos del Occidente (CPO), denunciaron al Ministerio de Energía y Minas por autorizar la licencia de exploración minera a la empresa canadiense. 

En el siguiente comunicado, la Asamblea de Pueblos de Huehuetenango se solidariza con el pueblo de Sipakapa. La ADH también apoya a Saúl Méndez y Rogelio Velásquez, presos políticos y miembros de la resistencia al proyecto hidroeléctrico Cambalam en Santa Cruz Barillas.

Comunidades de Sipakapa se manifiestan en contra de Los Chocoyos, el 14 de enero. Foto: CPO

 Asamblea de pueblos de Huehuetenango, ADH
Pronunciamiento Público

La lucha de los pueblos en defensa de su territorio, ante la ofensiva transnacional y el modelo extractivista, son reflejo de las agresiones y el saqueo que en pleno siglo XXI da continuad al modelo neoliberal. En el Año 2005, aprendimos de la Consulta Comunitaria de Sipakapa una forma no violenta de defender nuestra tierra y nuestra vida. El pueblo sipakapense se manifestó y exigió respeto a la decisión comunitaria, hoy nuevamente se ha organizado y en forma pacífica exige el respeto a su consulta, así también manifiesta su descontento ante la nueva invasión a su territorio por la extensión de la explotación minera de la mina Marlín.

Las empresas no entienden y tampoco los gobiernos de turno que nuestras tierras no están en venta y que serán defendidas de diferentes maneras en el ayer, hoy y siempre; como lo está demostrando el pueblo de Sipakapa.

También, el día de hoy denunciamos la continuidad de la persecución y criminalización que las empresas transnacionales llevan a cabo con el respaldo del gobierno de Otto Pérez Molina en contra de nuestros líderes y lideresas. El caso de los compañeros Saúl Méndez y Rogelio Velásquez, líderes de la resistencia de Santa Cruz Barillas ante la imposición del proyecto hidroeléctrico español Hidro Santa Cruz, es un claro ejemplo de ello. Están siendo perseguidos usando las leyes guatemaltecas, con lo cual se pervierte el sentido de la justicia. Nosotros y sus familias afirmamos que es una persecución política.

Como Asamblea de Pueblos de Huehuetenango, denunciamos nacional e internacionalmente la invasión abierta y vulgar a nuestros territorios por empresas extranjeras al amparo de los gobiernos de turno, como lo demuestra nuevamente el caso de Sipakapa. Nos solidarizamos con las luchas y las reivindicaciones del pueblo sipakapense.

Nos solidarizamos con Rogelio Velásquez y Saúl Méndez, así como con sus familias y comunidades y exigimos su libertad. Nos solidarizamos con las comunidades y las organizaciones que defienden sus derechos, su vida y la Madre Tierra.

Al gobierno de Otto Pérez Molina, le exigimos el respeto a nuestras Consultas Comunitarias, a nuestras decisiones y a la Autonomía y libre determinación de los Pueblos.

Exigimos la libertad de nuestros presos políticos
Por la autonomía y libre determinación de los pueblos
La Asamblea de Pueblos de Huehuetenango, ADH, miembro del CPO

Huehuetenango, 17 de enero de 2014