tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-43793381900883108302024-03-08T13:15:55.681-08:00NISGUANISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.comBlogger362125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-58141759938577131082015-10-15T09:54:00.002-07:002015-10-15T13:47:49.900-07:00Expression of solidarity with the Duwamish Tribe in their struggle for tribal recognition <div>
When Víctor Caal Tzuy from ACODET came to the U.S. last year on <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/11/reflections-on-rivers-for-life-cultural.html" target="_blank">NISGUA's "Rivers for Life" tour</a>, he met with Ken Workman, Duwamish Tribal Council Member and direct descendent of Chief Si'ahl. Both men shared <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/10/the-qeqchi-and-duwamish.html" target="_blank">common experiences as indigenous people</a>, fighting for their communities and the health of their rivers in the face of displacement. While Víctor described the devastating effects the proposed Xalalá Dam would have on his community, Ken reflected on the ongoing injustices committed against the Duwamish Tribe as they struggle to obtain the rights and recognition due to them under the Point Elliot Treaty. </div>
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<b>On July 2, 2015, the Bureau of Indian Affairs denied Federal Tribal Recognition to the Duwamish Tribe. </b></div>
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ACODET and NISGUA condemn this decision, and call on President Obama and other related authorities to immediate restore recognition to the Duwamish people. We are grateful for the warm welcome the Duwamish Tribal Council and the Duwamish Longhouse and Cultural Center gave to ACODET and NISGUA during our 2014 tour, and we continue to stand with them in their struggle for recognition and self-determination.<br />
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Please read the full letter below and considering adding your name. Send to bridget[at]nisgua.org and we will ensure its delivery to the appropriate authorities and Duwamish Longhouse.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFusu3_A29OVhHieWOe4g6-mcLGQGQgNiYNTCFNY6gddVbIb64fEWh0AKDDORWFxcXA2tqEE1YjNSfXCFkn2Ed3X1hlXZY3v-rjBUYmkniPG7_sHdOmW15Md9YnbpfjNug4kDyffuvZMw/s1600/KenVictor.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiFusu3_A29OVhHieWOe4g6-mcLGQGQgNiYNTCFNY6gddVbIb64fEWh0AKDDORWFxcXA2tqEE1YjNSfXCFkn2Ed3X1hlXZY3v-rjBUYmkniPG7_sHdOmW15Md9YnbpfjNug4kDyffuvZMw/s320/KenVictor.jpg" width="213" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption">Víctor Caal Tzuy and Ken Workman meet on the 2014 <br />"Rivers for Life" speaking tour. Photo credit: NISGUA</td></tr>
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16 September, 2015<br />
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To Whom It May Concern:<br />
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On behalf of the Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemala (NISGUA), we write to express our support to the Duwamish Tribe in their ongoing struggle to obtain the rights and recognition due to them under the Point Elliott Treaty, signed by Chief Si’ahl. NISGUA is a grassroots organization that builds ties between North America and Guatemala, supporting human rights advocates, survivors of genocide, and indigenous communities defending their rights to life and territory. As such, we feel driven to condemn the July, 2, 2015 decision by the Bureau of Indian Affairs to deny Federal Tribal Recognition to the Duwamish Tribe.<br />
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In August of last year, we had the immense privilege to be received by tribal representatives at the Duwamish Longhouse & Cultural Center in Seattle, along with Víctor Caal Tzuy, a Maya Q’eqchi’ leader of the Association of Communities for Development, Defense of Territory and Natural Resources (ACODET). On his U.S. tour, entitled “Rivers for Life: Cultural Resistance to the Xalalá” dam, Víctor spoke about the threats posed to his community by a proposed hydroelectric project, which the Guatemalan government has attempted to impose without prior, informed consent from local indigenous communities.<br />
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At the Duwamish Longhouse, Víctor met Ken Workman, Duwamish Tribal Council Member and direct descendent of Chief Si’ahl. Víctor and Ken found common ground as indigenous people with shared legacies of river stewardship and common experiences of displacement from colonization. “Ken and I have much in common–we both live on the shores of rivers, and we will defend our rivers,” reflected Víctor. Ken drew connections between past suffering of the Duwamish people and the current situation facing Q'eqchi' communities opposing the Xalalá Dam. “The potential effects on culture and environment that Victor describes are exactly what occurred here in Seattle 100 years ago."<br />
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In his conversation with Víctor Caal Tuzy, Tribal Council Member Workman described the historical injustices perpetrated against the Duwamish people, including the draining of the Black River, the channeling of the Duwamish River, the burning of Duwamish Longhouses by settlers, city ordinances banning indigenous people from living within Seattle city limits, and many others. At the time, we hoped that the Duwamish Tribe might soon win a small measure of reparation by finally achieving Federal Tribal Recognition. Instead, the Obama Administration and its representatives in the Department of the Interior and the Bureau of Indian Affairs are perpetuating the long legacy of colonial injustice faced by the Duwamish.<br />
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We call on President Obama, Secretary of the Interior Sally Jewell, Assistant Secretary of the Interior Kevin Washburn, and the U.S. Congress to immediately act to restore Federal Tribal Recognition to the Duwamish.<br />
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We thank the Duwamish Tribal Council and the Duwamish Longhouse & Cultural Center for welcoming Víctor Caal Tzuy of ACODET and members of NISGUA on their territory. <br />
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In heartfelt solidarity with the Duwamish Tribe in their struggle for justice,<br />
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NISGUA<br />
ACODET</div>
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-23697021342397138982015-10-13T13:16:00.000-07:002015-10-14T06:59:40.448-07:00 Tahoe Resources kicks out peaceful protesters from Reno offices during the launch of the 2015 Tahoe on Trial speaking tour<h4>
<i>Criminalizing protest and free speech across borders</i></h4>
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NISGUA’s Tahoe on Trial speaking tour kicked off yesterday by going right to the U.S. source - Tahoe’s U.S. headquarters in Reno, Nevada. We were honored to join local indigenous leaders and activists organized with the Nevada Progressive Leadership Alliance (PLAN Nevada) in downtown Reno for a rally to commemorate Indigenous Peoples’ Day and draw connections between grassroots struggles across borders. Together with other speakers, CODIDENA representative Llan Carlos Dávila denounced the neo-colonization of community lands through the imposition of resource extraction activities without consent, ongoing militarization and racism.<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiC_OnPfJw7jv_HDw8JjLWJgistBM25n7oEb3zf2m5EXvI68VKtcvSj011WaxS6szBModxmH7BjADcDINKNzX5RGpxIperGt-P9sBcaDoIGP1Ku-VKs5uMsr_T92xzvzM4qQACnVAG9RSs/s1600/arch.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiC_OnPfJw7jv_HDw8JjLWJgistBM25n7oEb3zf2m5EXvI68VKtcvSj011WaxS6szBModxmH7BjADcDINKNzX5RGpxIperGt-P9sBcaDoIGP1Ku-VKs5uMsr_T92xzvzM4qQACnVAG9RSs/s320/arch.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Activists gather underneath Reno's archway on Indigenous <br />
Peoples' Day to denounce the company's abuses in Guatemala. <br />
Photo: Jose Olivares</td></tr>
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Those who spoke drew connections between the struggles to defend land and natural resources of indigenous and First Nations people in the U.S. and Canada with those opposing transnational mining in Guatemala. </div>
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From there, a handful of supporters brought concerns directly to Tahoe Resources’ offices about the ways the company is contributing to human rights violations around its Escobal mine in southeastern Guatemala. For years, CODIDENA and other communities impacted by Tahoe’s mine have called on the company to respect the results of consultations that have taken place in municipalities around the mine, where more than <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2013/12/tahoe-resources-on-defense-as.html" target="_blank">55,000 people have voted against the mine’s presence</a>. Communities have continuously denounced the r<a href="http://nisgua.org/r85.pdf" target="_blank">epressive and violent tactics used against peaceful protesters</a>, including legal charges brought against more than 90 people since 2011 for vocally opposing the mine. All cases have been thrown out for lack of evidence, but still, Tahoe hasn’t listened. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3XlpMGyBWcSnqZN1Dk3mLIVZQbgS4sZdNog0ZvVlmLj4rgaZhyXb7v0zl7FMjo1OuATVDFO8DydjbPUi5YIY1m61_62Ac-U4jnEnUEhuuNs04elmJb8XvWWpf_cMHjjWTvvqeEET8e7s/s1600/davilaspeaks.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3XlpMGyBWcSnqZN1Dk3mLIVZQbgS4sZdNog0ZvVlmLj4rgaZhyXb7v0zl7FMjo1OuATVDFO8DydjbPUi5YIY1m61_62Ac-U4jnEnUEhuuNs04elmJb8XvWWpf_cMHjjWTvvqeEET8e7s/s320/davilaspeaks.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Llan Carlos Dávila (CODIDENA) talks about increased militarization <br />
since Tahoe's arrival to southeastern Guatemala. Photo: Jose Olivares</td></tr>
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Unfortunately, this pattern of silencing criticism and criminalizing dissent continued at the company’s Reno office. Instead of receiving the 15 or so CODIDENA supporters who went into the office, Tahoe’s Head of Investor Relations Ira Gostin immediately informed us that we were trespassing. Instead of respectfully listening to PLAN Nevada’s concerns about Tahoe’s operations in Guatemala, Gostin told PLAN they were misinformed. Instead of talking with NISGUA about allegations of violence by Tahoe’s private security in Guatemala, Gostin called the police. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZRXF5T91RtJNg014BSsDBFK7263pwnZP_cIcZ3XCwAL32K5z0ZXKs_EC5LlIQfTA1xABKtX_Mly9USmbYWbJ6dbe74q4De1wCdX6OTCU6jpLLeCoO_MdGSA06e0-79DsA2wX0x9YKHZ0/s1600/DSC_0161.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjZRXF5T91RtJNg014BSsDBFK7263pwnZP_cIcZ3XCwAL32K5z0ZXKs_EC5LlIQfTA1xABKtX_Mly9USmbYWbJ6dbe74q4De1wCdX6OTCU6jpLLeCoO_MdGSA06e0-79DsA2wX0x9YKHZ0/s320/DSC_0161.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Tahoe's Head of Investor Relations, Ira Gostin, calls the police<br />
instead of listening to community concerns. Photo: Jose Olivares</td></tr>
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Tahoe’s corporate strategy has been to respond to criticism and opposition with criminalization. No doubt, the scale of repression in the United States is significantly different than the scale of repression in Guatemala. But the core reaction is the same. Tahoe attempts to silence dissent using fear, but communities continue to show that they cannot be bullied into standing aside. </div>
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At the rally earlier in the day, Pãpalōtl of the Nahuatl Nation read a quote from Waziyatawin, a Dakota professor, author, and activist from the Pezihutazizi Otunwe in southwestern Minnesota. She says: “We live in a police state. The most powerful nation on Earth uses force or the threat of force to maintain control over indigenous peoples, land and resources. According to the occupiers, the only acceptable response to this is compliance. That we must accept the threat of our lands, the rape of our mother Earth and our own subjection. If we do not, we are criminalized, incarcerated or killed.” She finished with this rallying call, “Yet today, we are here, brothers and sisters, to let them know we are still here and we will resist until the end, all for our sacred waters and our Mother Earth.”</div>
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On the 2015 Tahoe on Trial tour, NISGUA and CODIDENA are bringing the voices of those most impacted by Tahoe’s Escobal mine to the United States. <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/10/three-things-you-can-do-to-halt-tahoe.html" target="_blank">Click here to find out three tangible things</a> you can do right now to support impacted communities as they denounce ongoing militarization as a result of Tahoe's mining activities. Connect with us on <a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/173540086316892/" target="_blank">Facebook </a>and <a href="http://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate" target="_blank">Twitter</a> for live tour updates, and <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/09/join-nisgua-codidena-on-our-2015-tour.html" target="_blank">click here to find a tour stop</a> near you! </div>
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-15945093865157056292015-10-02T10:34:00.000-07:002015-10-06T10:44:49.554-07:00Three things you can do to halt Tahoe Resources' expansion in Guatemala! <br />
For the past five years, communities impacted by Tahoe Resources' Escobal mine in southeastern Guatemala have stood up to peacefully defend their lands and livelihoods. The Diocesan Committee in the Defense of Nature (CODIDENA) has led this movement – organizing and carrying out community referenda in which more than 55,000 people in seven municipalities voted against the silver mine. Despite this clear message, Tahoe and the Guatemalan government have pushed the project forward, <a href="http://nisgua.org/r85.pdf" target="_blank">using violent repression, criminalization and militarization</a> in an attempt silence the resistance.<br />
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But the resistance didn’t go away. Today, thousands of brave women and men continue to seek out new, creative and resilient ways to express their opposition to Tahoe’s Escobal project and to halt the company’s plans to develop more mines in the region.<br />
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This October, CODIDENA and NISGUA will <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/09/join-nisgua-codidena-on-our-2015-tour.html" target="_blank">visit seven states across the US</a> to call attention to Tahoe's human rights violations in Guatemala and to build solidarity across borders. Upon return, we will meet with the US Embassy in Guatemala to demand accountability for US – Canadian companies operating in Guatemala with impunity but without the consent of impacted communities.<br />
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Here are three things you can do to support communities in resistance to Tahoe Resources:<br />
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<b>Step 1: Call and Email Your Elected Representatives</b></h3>
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Tell the US government: Tahoe Resources contributes to human rights violations in Guatemala! <br />
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<i>*Find contact information for your representative by visiting <a href="http://opencongress.org/">opencongress.org</a></i> <br />
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Hello, my name is ____________________, and I am deeply concerned that North American mining companies are contributing to human rights violations in Guatemala. There is mounting evidence that Tahoe Resources, a company operating in Guatemala with headquarters in Nevada and Vancouver, collaborated with the Guatemalan military and a US private security company to suppress local opposition to their Escobal silver mine through the criminalization of protest and violent repression. Today, military outposts line the highway on either side of the mine, intimidating communities who have consistently and democratically voted against mining in their territory.<br />
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The abusive actions of US companies abroad is a US problem and requires US government response. I ask that you share this information and concern with Roberta Jacobson, head of the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs at the US State Department and Todd Robinson, US Ambassador to Guatemala.<br />
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<b>Step 2: Join our Thunderclap</b></h3>
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Upon return from the tour, we will meet with the US Embassy to raise concerns about human rights violations around the Escobal mine. Show that you stand with CODIDENA in opposing Tahoe Resources in Guatemala by adding your voice to our Thunderclap. The day before the meeting, this messages will be posted from your Twitter, Facebook, or Tumblr account along with messages from hundreds of others! </div>
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<iframe frameborder="0" height="540px" src="https://www.thunderclap.it/projects/32466-tahoe-mines-militarization/embed" width="250px"></iframe><br />
<i><b>Continue the conversation! </b></i>During the month of October, directly ask the US Embassy some hard questions about Tahoe’s operations in Guatemala. Here are some samples: </div>
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<li>#TahoeResources boasts popular support. So why hire a US company with operations in Iraq to develop its security strategy? @usembassyguate</li>
<li>How can #TahoeResources be allowed to ignore 55,000+ votes against mining by communities neighboring the #Escobal mine? @usembassyguate</li>
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Step 3: Show Your Solidarity - a picture is worth 1000 words</h3>
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Mine-impacted communities want us to know that despite repression and militarization, they are still resisting Tahoe's operations and expansion. Let them know that you stand with them by taking a picture of yourself with a sign expressing your solidarity. Use the hashtag #StillHereWithYou or #SeguimosConUstedes and #TahoeOnTrial. Tag NISGUA on <a href="https://www.facebook.com/Network-in-Solidarity-with-the-People-of-Guatemala-NISGUA-159547364165048/timeline/?ref=hl" target="_blank">Facebook</a> or <a href="http://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate" target="_blank">Twitter</a>!<br />
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<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJuBZO2x3USyrxL3h8MzVm2Shc5P-Zr-LWdIGWTaIQrVRZj4aHF6tjD1mcNJoCRqtBgZXNgQzTRJY5arFm7iINB_ChP0FIPEvhBWl1tFoLLeldLWSyjEjUdm-LpNzo9taGfnng4QIEFlM/s1600/farmmine4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJuBZO2x3USyrxL3h8MzVm2Shc5P-Zr-LWdIGWTaIQrVRZj4aHF6tjD1mcNJoCRqtBgZXNgQzTRJY5arFm7iINB_ChP0FIPEvhBWl1tFoLLeldLWSyjEjUdm-LpNzo9taGfnng4QIEFlM/s1600/farmmine4.jpg" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption">Erick Fernando Castillo, one of the men who was<br />shot outside the Escobal mine, poses in front of the <br />resistance camp. Photo credit: Giles Clarke </td></tr>
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-91120816401785847572015-09-23T11:17:00.000-07:002015-10-21T13:02:20.662-07:00Join NISGUA & CODIDENA on our 2015 tour!<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhIDqRm-tf_UKRkJoF4Ee5AjwTHRhGO-4dfQ6B9AajFz_hiknI8rejttzdOWlke8Aj_rxqNhvRY5TdrVHGEGj_E5odmG2Ch1r7AB93jFldEiCrPVX_84IIudVCxZTHvFoqWBBsdOdPH1dw/s1600/FBTourPoster.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhIDqRm-tf_UKRkJoF4Ee5AjwTHRhGO-4dfQ6B9AajFz_hiknI8rejttzdOWlke8Aj_rxqNhvRY5TdrVHGEGj_E5odmG2Ch1r7AB93jFldEiCrPVX_84IIudVCxZTHvFoqWBBsdOdPH1dw/s640/FBTourPoster.jpg" width="491" /></a></div>
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We are excited to announce that NISGUA’s 2015 speaking tour will feature the Diocesan Committee in Defense of Nature (CODIDENA) - the grassroots organizers behind widespread opposition to Tahoe Resources' mine in Guatemala. The two-week tour begins October 12 in Reno, Nevada and will travel through Midwest and the Northeast before ending in Boston on October 26. </div>
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CODIDENA leader Llan Carlos Dávila will talk about efforts to peacefully halt the development of Tahoe Resources' Escobal silver mine through popular education, grass-roots base building and the organization of six municipal referenda. Llan Carlos will also detail the ongoing threats he and other CODIDENA leaders face due to their efforts to stop Tahoe's expansion in the region. </div>
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Visit our <a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/173540086316892/" target="_blank">event page on Facebook</a> or follow <a href="http://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate" target="_blank">@NISGUA_Guate</a> on twitter for live tour updates. We hope you can join us!</div>
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<b>FULL ITINERARY OF PUBLIC EVENTS -- MORE DETAILS TO FOLLOW:</b></h4>
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<b> </b></h4>
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RENO, NV: MONDAY, OCTOBER 12<br />Hosted by: PLAN Nevada and Reno Justice Coalition</b></div>
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12:00-1:00PM<br />
Rally @ the Reno Arch Downtown<br />
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6:00-8:30PM<br />
Community Event with Dr. Debra Harry<br />
Joe Crowley Student Union<br />
1664 N Virginia St<br />
Reno, NV<br />
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<b>CHICAGO, IL: OCTOBER 13-15<br />Hosted by: Chicago Religious Leadership Network and Northwestern University</b> </div>
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<u>WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 14</u><br />
<br />
9:40-11:10 AM<br />
Public Presentation<br />
De Paul University - Arts and Letters Hall, Room 209<br />
2315 N Kenmore<br />
Chicago, IL<br />
<u><br /></u>
2:15-3:45 PM<br />
Public Presentation<br />
Collaboratory for Urban and Intercultural Learning<br />
North Park University - Caroline Hall<br />
3225 W. Foster<br />
Chicago, IL<br />
<u><br /></u>
<u>THURSDAY, OCTOBER 15:</u><br />
<br />
7:00-8:30 PM<br />
Public Presentation<br />
Buffett Institute for Global Studies<br />
Northwestern University<br />
1902 Sheridan Road<br />
Evanston, IL 60208<br />
<br />
<b>BAD RIVER RESERVATION: FRIDAY, OCTOBER 16 <br />Hosted by: Bad River Band of Lake Superior Chippewa Tribe </b><br />
<br />
Community exchange<br />
Afternoon/Evening<br />
TBD<br />
<br />
<b>TWIN CITIES, MN: OCTOBER 18-19 <br />Hosted by: The Lakes Area Group Organizing Solidarity for Guatemala (LAGOS) </b><br />
<br />
<u>SUNDAY, OCTOBER 18</u><br />
<br />
9:30-10:30am<br />
Church Forum<br />
First Unitarian Society<br />
900 Mt. Curve Avenue<br />
Minneapolis, MN<br />
<br />
12:45-1:45pm<br />
Public Presentation<br />
Mayflower Church<br />
106 E Diamond Lake Road<br />
Minneapolis, MN<br />
<br />
6:00-8:00pm<br />
Community Event<br />
Gandhi Mahal<br />
3009 27th Avenue South<br />
Minneapolis, MN<br />
<br />
<u>Monday, OCTOBER 19</u><br />
<u><br /></u>
10:00-11:30<br />
Community Event<br />
CENTRO<br />
1915 Chicago Avenue<br />
Minneapolis, MN<br />
<br />
12:00-1:00pm<br />
Public Presentation<br />
Macalester College<br />
Carnagie Room 304<br />
St. Paul, MN<br />
<br />
<b>LA CROSSE/VIROQUA, WI: OCTOBER 20 <br />Hosted by: University of Wisconsin – La Crosse </b><br />
<br />
<u>TUESDAY, OCTOBER 20</u></div>
<div>
<br />
4:00-5:30pm<br />
Public Presentation<br />
Hall of Nations<br />
University of Wisconsin La Crosse<br />
La Crosse, WI<br />
<u><br /></u>
<b>NEW YORK, NY: OCTOBER 22-23<br />Hosted by: Local GAP Former Accompaniers and NISGUA supporters </b></div>
<div>
<u><br /></u><u>THURSDAY, OCTOBER 22</u><br />
<br />
12:00-1:30<br />
<a href="http://clacs.as.nyu.edu/object/clacs.events.special.102215" target="_blank">Brown Bag Lunch sponsored by CLACS @ NYU</a><br />
King Juan Carlos I of Spain Center, Room 404<br />
53 Washington Square South<br />
New York, NY 10012<br />
<br /></div>
<div>
6:00-8:00 PM<br />
Community Event -- <a href="http://videostreaming.gc.cuny.edu/" target="_blank">LIVE STREAM on CUNY TV</a><br />
CUNY Graduate Center -- Segal Theatre<br />
365 5th Avenue, NYC</div>
<div>
Co-sponsored by Skylight Pictures<br />
<br />
<u>Friday, October 23</u><br />
<u><br /></u>
7:00-8:30 PM<br />
Community Event<br />
Saint Columba Church<br />
Downstairs meeting room of the Rectory<br />
343 West 25th Street, NYC<br />
<br />
<br />
<b>BOSTON & PROVIDENCE: OCTOBER 25 - 26</b></div>
<div>
<b>Hosted by: Needham Congregational Church & GAP Former Accompaniers </b><b><br /></b></div>
<div>
<u><br /></u><u>SUNDAY, OCTOBER 25</u><br />
<br />
1:00-3:00<br />
Community Event<br />
Co-sponsored by Rhode Island Jobs with Justice & Bell Street Chapel<br />
5 Bell Street<br />
Providence, RI<br />
<br />
6:30-8:30pm<br />
Community Event<br />
Needham Congregational Church<br />
1154 Great Plain Avenue<br />
Needham, MA<br />
<br />
<br />
<u>MONDAY, OCTOBER 26</u><br />
<br />
12:00-2:00pm<br />
<a href="http://www.brown.edu/academics/latin-american-caribbean-studies/tahoe-trial-guatemalan-communities-rise-defend-land-and-life" target="_blank">Brown Bag Lunch sponsored by CLACS @ Brown University</a><br />
Watson Institute, McKinney Conference Room<br />
111 Thayer Street<br />
Providence, RI<br />
<br />
6:00-8:00pm<br />
<a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/740953126050339/" target="_blank">Public Presentation</a><br />
Hosted by the Program on Human Rights and the Global Economy<br />
65 Forsyth, Dockser Hall, Room 230<br />
Boston, MA</div>
NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-43839282006185896472015-09-23T09:00:00.000-07:002015-09-23T09:00:03.858-07:00Retrial for Ríos Montt to take place behind closed doors
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Legal battles over Efraín Ríos Montt's health have taken center stage over the past three months in the decades-long search for justice for genocide in Guatemala. <div>
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On August 25, the three-judge tribunal ruled that Ríos Montt is mentally unfit to stand trial due to chronic and irreversible dementia. The court ordered that Montt be assigned a legal representative to allow for a special trial to continue without the former dictator's physical presence.</div>
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Tribunal confirms mental illness, orders legal advocate represent <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RiosMontt?src=hash">#RiosMontt</a>. Recess for sides to read resolution. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Guatemala?src=hash">#Guatemala</a></div>
— NISGUA (@NISGUA_Guate) <a href="https://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate/status/636202768257060865">August 25, 2015</a></blockquote>
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This decision comes after months of set backs and debates regarding Montt's health. In July, his defense attempted to permanently stall proceedings by <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/07/survivors-call-into-question-inacif.html" target="_blank">presenting a medical evaluation</a> claiming the former general did not have the mental capacity to stand trial. Given the fact that he was heavily sedated during the examination, the court dismissed the report and <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/07/rios-montt-ordered-to-undergo-full.html" target="_blank">ordered him to undergo a full medical review</a> by state-appointed specialists. The new review came to similar conclusions, stating that Montt has vascular dementia in addition to various other physical ailments. While Montt's defense attempted to use this new review as a reason to dismiss the case, the prosecution requested he be appointed a legal advocate in order for the retrial to continue.</div>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Genocide?src=hash">#Genocide</a> retrial set for January 11, 2016. More delays for survivors & victims <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/SiHuboGenocidio?src=hash">#SiHuboGenocidio</a></div>
— NISGUA (@NISGUA_Guate) <a href="https://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate/status/636251479645356032">August 25, 2015</a></blockquote>
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This retrial, scheduled to begin on January 11, 2016, will take place behind closed doors, excluding the press and international and national observers. The court stated that the victims would be allowed to attend, but did not outline who is considered to be a victim in a case that involves the murder of 1,771 people in 15 massacres. Given the circumstances, this special retrial cannot result in a verdict that includes prison time; instead, if Montt is found guilty, he will likely be detained in a psychiatric facility. </div>
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In a decision disputed by both the defense and the prosecution, the judges refused to separate the cases of Ríos Montt and former head of military intelligence Rodríguez Sánchez, and instead, ruled that the men will continue to be tried for genocide and crimes against humanity together. <br /><br />As this process drags on in a national justice system plagued with rampant impunity and corruption, NISGUA continues to stand with the victims and survivors in upholding the <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2013/05/rios-montt-guilty-of-genocide-and.html" target="_blank">2013 condemnatory sentence</a> against a mentally-fit Ríos Montt. We honor the testimonies that led to the conviction and dignify the men and women who tirelessly continue to fight for justice. </div>
NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-57012949190458335772015-09-11T15:15:00.000-07:002015-09-14T09:35:10.330-07:00Crumbling political support for Tahoe Resources in GuatemalaArticle written in collaboration with <a href="http://www.miningwatch.ca/" target="_blank"><i>MiningWatch Canad</i>a</a> and the <i><a href="http://www.breakingthesilenceblog.com/" target="_blank">Maritimes-Guatemala Breaking the Silence Network</a>. </i><br />
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If the militarized security strategy that Tahoe Resources has used to put its Escobal silver mine into operation isn’t enough to raise questions about the ethics of the company’s operations in Guatemala, the recent <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/09/guatemalan-president-otto-perez-molina.html" target="_blank">resignation of Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina</a> should be. Pérez Molina stepped down on September 2 after Congress voted to strip him of his political immunity. A week later, he was indicted on charges of illicit association, customs fraud, and bribery for his involvement in a customs network that robbed tens of millions of dollars of taxpayer money.<br />
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Rewind to July 2013, when former President Otto Pérez Molina <a href="http://www.tahoecsr.com/guatemalan-president-visit-to-minera-san-rafael-signals-support-for-escobal-project/" target="_blank">made a personal site visit to the Escobal mine</a> located in San Rafael las Flores in the department of Santa Rosa. The visit took place just a few months after <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/12/tahoe-resources-former-security-manager.html" target="_blank">Tahoe’s head of security was arrested</a> for his role in the shooting of seven peaceful protesters and a subsequent <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2013/05/guatemalan-govt-declares-state-of-siege.html" target="_blank">month-long military state of siege</a> was imposed on four municipalities in the area. While at the mine, Pérez Molina mingled with workers and filmed a national television address affirming support for the project. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg9IJaTWeF_mLnOI7yhhHLO_QxYhqSmtNfyE9zHTcQyES6nVtiI77BrKOc0BhtrHjT0v5Ve3yRt4R36XIbQNTHNHOHGyYAyiErBPYLg-9AEZVuqTL7utZ4ZM27Iop_R_M9uY-e_pRQOeBA/s1600/TahoeResources_OPM.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="205" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg9IJaTWeF_mLnOI7yhhHLO_QxYhqSmtNfyE9zHTcQyES6nVtiI77BrKOc0BhtrHjT0v5Ve3yRt4R36XIbQNTHNHOHGyYAyiErBPYLg-9AEZVuqTL7utZ4ZM27Iop_R_M9uY-e_pRQOeBA/s320/TahoeResources_OPM.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
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Former President Otto Pérez Molina poses with Escobal mine<br />
workers. Photo: <a href="http://www.tahoecsr.com/guatemalan-president-visit-to-minera-san-rafael-signals-support-for-escobal-project/" target="_blank">Tahoe Resources</a></div>
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Today, Pérez Molina is accused of heading “La Linea” customs network that is said to have benefited transnational companies by offering lower tariffs in exchange for handsome pay-offs to politicians. <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/08/despite-arrest-of-former-vp-roxana.html" target="_blank">Vice-president Roxana Baldetti has also been indicted</a> on the same charges and over a dozen cabinet ministers potentially <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/05/a-corruption-scandal-new-vice-president.html" target="_blank">implicated in the fraud scandal have resigned</a>, including Minister of Energy and Mines, <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/07/in-wake-of-guatemala-corruption.html" target="_blank">Erik Archila</a>. Archila approved Tahoe’s exploitation license in April 2013 without taking into consideration over 250 individual complaints filed against the license for potential impacts on water and health of the local population.</div>
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While it is unclear if Tahoe or other North American mining companies benefited from the fraud ring, the company’s cozy relationship with Otto Pérez Molina's scandal-ridden government has been well documented. During his administration, state-sponsored repression plagued communities in resistance to Tahoe and has <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/04/how-pseudo-military-project-was-created.html" target="_blank">facilitated the imposition of the Escobal</a> mine against the will of the local population. </div>
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It is too soon to know how the recent general election results may change this arrangement, but cracks have already started to show at the local level where Tahoe has also relied on close political relationships. </div>
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Cracks in Tahoe’s privileged political support </h4>
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During the past four years, Tahoe has relied on the mayor of San Rafael Las Flores to prevent local communities from holding a referendum about whether or not they want mining in their municipality. While the six municipalities surrounding the Escobal mine held<a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2013/12/tahoe-resources-on-defense-as.html" target="_blank"> referenda overwhelmingly rejecting mining</a>, residents of San Rafael las Flores were denied this important opportunity. Instead, nine villages within the municipality organized their own referenda, in which the majority overwhelmingly rejected the Escobal mine. </div>
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Results from Guatemala's general elections held September 6 indicate an important shift in support for Tahoe Resources in San Rafael las Flores, as well as in the surrounding areas. In San Rafael Las Flores, Roberto Pivaral, member of the Committee in Defense of Life and Peace who was an early victim of <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/09/communities-in-santa-rosa-and-jalapa.html" target="_blank">Tahoe's strategy to criminalize opponents</a>, won enough support in rural areas of the municipality to win the mayoral race on a pro-referendum platform. </div>
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Municipalities surrounding Tahoe’s Escobal project vote against mining </h4>
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In the neighboring municipality of Mataquescuintla, where <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2013/12/tens-of-thousands-oppose-tahoe.html" target="_blank">96% of voters opposed mining in a 2012 referendum</a>, Hugo Loy was re-elected as mayor. Loy has openly opposed Tahoe’s presence in the region and has fought hard to uphold the results of the 2012 vote by opposing the construction of an electrical line between Mataquescuintla and the Escobal mine. Opponents to mining in Mataquescuintla have faced severe threats and violence, including the <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/05/international-organizations-demand.html" target="_blank">2014 attack in which 16-year old Topacio Reynoso</a> was murdered and her father Alex was seriously injured. </div>
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Rejection of Tahoe Resources also came through loud and clear in two other municipalities close to the Escobal mine. In Santa Rosa de Lima, residents ousted the candidate who had accepted royalty payments from the company, and instead, elected community leader and pro-referendum candidate, Llan Carlos Dávila. In Nueva Santa Rosa, voters re-elected the current mayor who, due to community pressure, has so far upheld the results of the consultation and refused to accept mining royalties. </div>
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Tahoe Resources' selective amnesia </h4>
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In a press release issued following President Pérez Molina’s resignation, <a href="http://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/tahoe-releases-statement-regarding-guatemala-300137795.html" target="_blank">Tahoe Resources asserted that all is calm in Guatemala</a> and that business will continue as usual. Tahoe expressed support for <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/05/a-corruption-scandal-new-vice-president.html" target="_blank">acting President Alejandro Maldonado Aguirre</a>, who became Vice President after the resignation of Roxana Baldetti. Tahoe stated Maldonado has been "the force of calm in the country" and that "his leadership has been viewed within Guatemala as very positive." </div>
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However, Tahoe fails to mention that Maldonado, a former Constitutional Court judge is also a founding member of the now non-existent National Liberation Movement party (MLN in Spanish), an extreme right-wing political party known for its connection to death squads in the 1960s. The company also doesn't say that during his time in the Constitutional Court, Maldonado voted to annul the historic 2013 genocide sentence and one year later, voted for the early removal of respected Attorney General Claudia Paz y Paz. </div>
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Finally, Tahoe assures investors that, “The embassies of Canada and the United States are heavily involved in assisting and supporting the Guatemalan government’s efforts to maintain order and peace and assure stability during these difficult times." But, far from deserving congratulatory remarks for their role, serious questions should be raised about what North American Embassies in Guatemala might have known about rampant corruption in the Otto Pérez Molina administration, and be challenged for their willingness to demonstrate support for such a repressive regime in order to protect Canadian and U.S. economic interests in the country. Rather than providing staunch support to ensure the interests of mining companies, such as Tahoe Resources, Goldcorp, Kappes, Cassidy & Associates and others, they should order investigations as to whether these companies were at all benefiting from the customs fraud ring and make a commitment not to provide any support for mining activities where communities have not given their consent. </div>
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-64442085370645620812015-09-03T17:08:00.000-07:002015-09-14T22:26:19.301-07:00Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina resigns, detained on charges of corruption<i><b>Update:</b></i><br />
<i>On Tuesday, September 8, former President Otto Pérez Molina was indicted on charges of customs fraud, illicit association, and bribery in connection with "La Línea," a customs fraud network accused of stealing millions of dollars from the Guatemalan state. Given the number of people still being investigated in connection with La Línea, Judge Galvéz ordered that Molina be sent to preventative prison while he awaits trial so as to not pose a threat to the integrity of ongoing investigations. The prosecution team have been given three months to build their case, with an expected trial opening date of December 21.</i><br />
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Late last night Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina was forced to resign after more than <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/08/despite-arrest-of-former-vp-roxana.html" target="_blank">four months of massive popular protests</a> throughout the country. On Tuesday, Congress unanimously voted to strip Pérez Molina of his presidential immunity, after evidence provided by the Public Prosecutor and International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) directly implicated him in the customs fraud network, “La Linea." An arrest warrant was issued for the President Wednesday afternoon and he resigned just hours later. Pérez Molina and former Vice President Roxana Baldetti are accused of heading the criminal network that defrauded the state of at least $3.7 million.<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjsYkGOJQAXiNhoQ_Iuq3ytESiY3GsKdVeZ7CxRfPM872tsqluB_Wc3BZ6jDw-D3mov1WExGn2DDv6jKzgK7WUHBN010_ilOaYNtg0gJ64NUjwuA2rT33uWJQgBof9I-Pf9Q8LNPUUkUQs/s1600/11938065_10101049608279295_1642316466_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="212" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjsYkGOJQAXiNhoQ_Iuq3ytESiY3GsKdVeZ7CxRfPM872tsqluB_Wc3BZ6jDw-D3mov1WExGn2DDv6jKzgK7WUHBN010_ilOaYNtg0gJ64NUjwuA2rT33uWJQgBof9I-Pf9Q8LNPUUkUQs/s320/11938065_10101049608279295_1642316466_n.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Former President Otto Pérez Molina listens to the criminal<br />
charges of corruption against him. Photo: Roderico Y. Díaz</td></tr>
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Vice President Alejandro Maldonado, who was named to the position after <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/05/a-corruption-scandal-new-vice-president.html" target="_blank">Roxana Baldetti was forced to resign</a>, assumed the presidency this afternoon. Maldonado is the founder of a political party known for promoting organized violence and death squadrons during the 1960s and 1970s. He was also one of the Constitutional Court judges who voted to overturn the historic 2013 ruling that sentenced former de facto dictator Efraín Ríos Montt to 80 years in prison for genocide and crimes against humanity. </div>
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This morning, Pérez Molina appeared before Judge Miguel Gálvez to give his first declaration and hear the charges against him, which include illicit association, bribery and customs fraud. The Prosecution played hours of wiretap recordings throughout the day, laying out the hierarchy of the criminal structure before revealing recordings directly implicating the President. Deemed a flight risk, Judge Gálvez ordered Pérez Molina to spend the night in custody at the Matamoros military prison. The hearing is expected to continue tomorrow. </div>
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Today Guatemalans celebrate this incredible victory, born of months of resistance in the streets and decades of resilience in the face of structural corruption, racism and violence. However, we know the struggle is far from over. Calls for electoral reform were recently struck down in Congress, and all signs point to elections taking place as scheduled this Sunday. Many Guatemalans have refused to accept this decision and have continued to protest outside the elections office demanding, “In these conditions, we do not want elections!” </div>
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If the impressive show of Guatemalan people power so far is any indication, the charges officially lodged for corruption are just the beginning in the search for justice for Pérez Molina's crimes. The former general is also implicated in the genocide against the Ixil people and his administration is responsible for the criminalization and imprisonment of hundreds of human rights defenders and repression and violence against thousands of Guatemalans defending life and dignity at La Puya encampment, in Totonicapan, San Rafael las Flores, Santa Cruz Barillas and many more.</div>
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<a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2015/09/people-power-guatemalan-spring-150903075327898.html" target="_blank">The past four months have seen people from all walks of life take to the streets in protest in Guatemala </a>- some for the first time and some for the hundredth. Meeting spaces have given birth to new proposals for movement building and structural change that will have impacts reaching far beyond Pérez Molina's resignation. The value of memory has been strong over the past four months, with many references being made to the 1944 revolution and the ten years of spring. As one sign read: "WE ARE HERE...for those who dreamed and struggle for a better country." </div>
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<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="430" scrolling="no" src="//www.cincopa.com/media-platform/iframe.aspx?fid=AkPAx2MrqrbZ" width="600"></iframe><noscript><span>President Otto Pérez Molina resigns, will face charges of corruption</span><span>For 20 weeks straight, Guatemalans took to the streets to demand the resignation of President Otto Pérez Molina due to his involvement in La Línea corruption ring. After having his presidential immunity stripped and a warrant issued for his arrest, Molina turned in his resignation just before midnight on September 2, 2015. He was removed as President on September 3, 2015, and will now face charges of corruption. A huge win for Guatemala and the power of street organizing. </span><span>#RenunciaYa</span><span>Organized under the Twitter hashtag #RenunciaYa (#ResignAlready), activists took to the streets for 20 weeks demanding the resignation of President Otto Pérez Molina. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 337</span><span>Send them to jail!</span><span>Protestors hold up a sign that reads: Send Otto Pérez Molina and other corrupt state officials </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 600</span><span>height</span><span> 450</span><span>This has only just begun</span><span>One of the earlier protests in Guatemala City, calling for the resignation of Vice President Roxana Baldetti and President Otto Pérez Molina. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 450</span><span>It's not just the President</span><span>Activists string banners that call out the corruption of Minera San Rafael, operating the Escobal silver mine in southeastern Guatemala. #TahoeOnTrial </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 600</span><span>height</span><span> 592</span><span>Demonstrations outside the US Embassy</span><span>Members of HIJOS and other organizations protest outside of the US Embassy, denouncing the Embassy's support for Molina. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 399</span><span>Corruption is a monster with many heads</span><span>One of the many signs on display in central park, pointing to the corruption of other politicians, not just Pérez Molina. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 337</span><span>No queremos elections!</span><span>Allegations of corruption within political parties - particularly directed towards Manuel Baldizón and his Líder party - have given rise to demands for electoral reform and a temporary suspension of the September 6 elections. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 337</span><span>You stole from us</span><span>A demonstrator holds up a sign that shows the amount of school supplies that could have been purchased with the amount of money stolen by corrupt officials in La Linea network. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 798</span><span>#YoNoTengoPresidente</span><span>After wiretaps were released implicating Pérez Molina in La Línea corruption ring, a national strike was called and a popular sentiment emerged: "I have no President." </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 206</span><span>height</span><span> 366</span><span>National Strike</span><span>Making reference to Pérez Molina's military code name - Tito Arias - a sign reads: You messed with the wrong generation, Tito. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 960</span><span>height</span><span> 540</span><span>Alfombra of messages</span><span>Thousands of people write messages along a carpet that lines central park, demanding the resignation of Otto Pérez Molina and and end to corruption.</span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 576</span><span>height</span><span> 1024</span><span>National Strike</span><span>A demonstrator holds up a sign during the National Strike, comparing President Molina to a stubborn donkey, digging his heels in.</span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 206</span><span>height</span><span> 366</span><span>National Strike</span><span>People across the city wrote messages of "Resign Already!" on their cars. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 960</span><span>height</span><span> 540</span><span>Doors closed for the National Strike</span><span>On Thursday, September 1, hundreds of businesses and schools closed their doors to participate in a national strike calling for Molina's resignation. More than a 100,000 people gathered in Guatemala's central square, in the country's largest protest in history.</span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 960</span><span>height</span><span> 540</span><span>No more corruption!</span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 540</span><span>height</span><span> 960</span><span>We're here for them!</span><span>A demonstrator holds up a sign that reads: For those who dreamed and fought with their lives for a better country....We're here!</span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 540</span><span>height</span><span> 960</span><span>A new spring?</span><span>Referencing the 1944 revolution, a protestor holds up a sign that reads: Guatemala, don't let the oligarchy steal another spring from you.</span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 450</span><span>Despite the rain, protests continue</span><span>Demonstrators dance in the rain outside of the presidential palace, continuing to call for Molina's resignation.</span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 450</span><span>Signs on rainy streets</span><span>Demonstrators leave signs along the side of the Presidential Palace on the day of the National Strike. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 600</span><span>height</span><span> 800</span><span>OPM's immunity is stripped</span><span>On September 1, Congress voted to strip Molina of his presidential immunity, paving the way for a criminal investigation. Thousands of people celebrated into the night on the steps of the presidential palace. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 599</span><span>height</span><span> 337</span><span>Otto, you thief!</span><span>Demonstrators celebrate on the day of Otto Pérez Molina's resignation, but remind us that resignation isn't enough - he must stand trial. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 576</span><span>height</span><span> 1024</span><span>Resign, Roxana Baldetti!</span><span>Activists call for the resignation of Vice President Roxana Baldetti, accused of being the "number 2" in the corruption ring known as La Línea. </span><span>originaldate</span><span> 1/1/0001 6:00:00 AM</span><span>width</span><span> 540</span><span>height</span><span> 960</span></noscript><br />
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-66901515897878019272015-08-24T17:08:00.001-07:002015-09-03T17:32:25.565-07:00Despite the arrest of former VP Roxana Baldetti, President Otto Pérez Molina says he won't step downOn Friday, the UN-backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) and Public Prosecutor's office revealed evidence connecting Guatemala President Otto Pérez Molina to the massive customs corruption network known as La Línea. Prosecutors have filed a legal motion to strip Pérez Molina of his presidential immunity – the second action of its kind to be filed in the last 3 months.<br />
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<a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/05/a-corruption-scandal-new-vice-president.html" target="_blank">For the eighteenth week in a row, protesters from across the country took to the streets to demand the President's resignation</a>. At least of 16 members of his cabinet and other high-level posts have resigned; 11 did so after new evidence was released on Friday directly implicating the president. As Pérez Molina's government crumbled around him Sunday night, he dug in his heels - refusing to step down and proclaiming his innocence in a televised address. <br />
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President <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/OttoP%C3%A9rezMolina?src=hash">#OttoPérezMolina</a> says to preserve the institutional integrity of the state & democracy, he will not be bullied into stepping down</div>
— NISGUA (@NISGUA_Guate) <a href="https://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate/status/635658288651112448">August 24, 2015</a></blockquote>
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Estas fueron algunas de las declaraciones del Presidente Otto Pérez Molina.
¿Qué opina del mensaje qué envió? <a href="http://t.co/PmOYFWRiaP">pic.twitter.com/PmOYFWRiaP</a></div>
— Emisoras Unidas 89.7 (@EmisorasUnidas) <a href="https://twitter.com/EmisorasUnidas/status/635654825334710272">August 24, 2015</a></blockquote>
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Despite being more isolated than ever, the President remained combative in his address, denouncing foreign intervention and alluding that powerful economic interests from the Chamber of Commerce (CACIF) are conspiring against him. During the speech, which is being described as a “declaration of war" against CACIF, Pérez Molina threatened to push Guatemala even closer to the edge of complete political turmoil as nation-wide strikes and ongoing protests are expected to ramp up this week.<br />
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Protestors also demand election law reforms: In these conditions, we don't want elections! <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RenunciaYa?src=hash">#RenunciaYa</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/JusticiaYa?src=hash">#JusticiaYa</a> <a href="http://t.co/sD9OvaSWEl">pic.twitter.com/sD9OvaSWEl</a></div>
— NISGUA (@NISGUA_Guate) <a href="https://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate/status/635252628797001731">August 23, 2015</a></blockquote>
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Wiretaps, emails, and other documents revealed on Friday and presented as evidence in court this morning accuse former Vice President Roxana Baldetti and President Pérez Molina of heading the criminal structure <i>La Línea.</i> The customs fraud network is believe to have stolen more than 8 million quetzals. In the wiretaps, Molina and Baldetti are referred to as “the 1”, “the 2”, “the head of the plantation”, and "the mera mera (the head honcho)." In a Monday morning interview, Attorney General Thelma Aldana made clear that the President himself was caught on tape communicating with the criminal network.<br />
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En escuchas donde se identifica al Presidente, la fiscal indica “son inevitables porque no se le tiene intervenido el teléfono a él 1/2</div>
— MP de Guatemala (@MPguatemala) <a href="https://twitter.com/MPguatemala/status/635820018345869312">August 24, 2015</a></blockquote>
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Pero él se comunica con la estructura criminal, con quienes si se tiene la intervención telefónica y si lo escuchamos”. 2/2</div>
— MP de Guatemala (@MPguatemala) <a href="https://twitter.com/MPguatemala/status/635820089552580612">August 24, 2015</a></blockquote>
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<i>Above tweets: In wiretaps where the President is identified, the public prosecutor states, "It is inevitable, because his telephone has not been tapped." 1/2; But he communicates with the criminal structure, who have their telephones tapped, and we heard him." 2/2</i></div>
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On Friday, the public prosecutor immediately filed a request to strip the President of his immunity, while Baldetti was arrested and transferred from the private hospital where she had sought refuge to Matamoros military prison in zone 1 of Guatemala City. While Matamoros has been exclusively for male prisoners, a reform published this morning - three days after Baldetti was arrested - changed the rules to allow women. </div>
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The first attempt to remove Pérez Molina's immunity was filed by Congressman Amilcar Pop in June and was unanimously accepted by the Supreme Court. And while a congressional investigative commission recommended stripping immunity and opening the president up to a full investigation, the recommendation only earned 88 of the 105 congressional votes necessary to proceed. This decision was rejected by protesters and political analysts alike – further evidence that the political system is irrevocably broken and electoral reforms are absolutely necessary. </div>
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The latest request to strip President Molina of his immunity will likely be accepted by the Supreme Court, although questions remain as to how Congress will react. Some believe that Pérez Molina's surprising decision to stay in power hinges on his belief that his allies - including presidential hopeful Manuel Baldizón and other Molina supporters who make up the LIDER-Partido Patriota alliance - will save him from immediate prosecution by maintaining his presidential immunity.</div>
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In the meantime, Guatemalans remain vigilant as rumors circulate that the President will attempt to flee the country. Citizens presented a legal action Sunday morning requiring a judge to physically locate Pérez after the president failed to appear in public for 48 hours. He was eventually located mid-day Sunday at the Presidential Palace in zone 1.</div>
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Roxana Baldetti's arraignment hearing took place Monday morning, during which time the prosecution laid out the groundwork for its case against the former Vice President. She is accused of illicit association, passive bribery and special cases of customs fraud for her involvement in the <i>La Línea</i>.<br />
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-6533773913790855142015-08-19T09:59:00.000-07:002015-08-19T13:32:47.442-07:00Take Action: Call on the U.S. Embassy to stand up for political prisoners Saúl and Rogelio<style type="text/css">
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On September 1, Barillas land defenders Saúl Méndez and Rogelio Velásquez will stand trial again for accessory to murder. Citing serious irregularities and major errors in the initial trial earlier this year that condemned both men to 33 years and 4 months in prison, a Special Appeals court ruled on May 15 to annul the sentence and ordered the case be retried.<br />
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Both men have spoken out against the imposition of hydroelectric dams in their home in northern Huehuetenango and, like many other leaders, are now feelings the effects of a pattern of criminalization that has increased dramatically over the past few years. </div>
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<a href="http://org2.salsalabs.com/o/6497/p/dia/action3/common/public/?action_KEY=21088" target="_blank"><b>TAKE ACTION to help ensure Saúl and Rogelio get a fair trial!</b></a><br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #999999; font-family: 'Open Sans', Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; font-style: italic; line-height: 19.2000007629395px;">Saúl Méndez and Rogelio Velásquez, during their Special<br />Appeal trial. Photo: Gustavo Illescas (CMI-Guatemala)</span></td></tr>
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Currently, six other men from Huehuetenango are detained and awaiting trial for outlandish legal charges that include terrorism and kidnapping - all are active community leaders who have organized to demand respect for their right to consultation regarding the imposition of mega-development projects in their territory. Across the United States, members of the NISGUA base are writing letters of encouragement to all of the leaders from Huehuetenango currently imprisoned for standing up for life. <a href="http://org2.salsalabs.com/o/6497/p/dia/action3/common/public/?action_KEY=20823" target="_blank">Click here to send a message of solidarity</a> to the political prisoners and let them know they are not alone.<br />
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For more information, read <a href="http://nisgua.org/r84.pdf" target="_blank">NISGUA's report</a> on the movement for community referenda on mining and hydroelectric dams and the corresponding trend of criminalizing leaders standing up against unjust resource extraction. </div>
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Both Saúl and Rogelio are accused of being accomplices in the assassination of Guadalupe Francisco and Mateo Diego Simón, killed by a mob of roughly 500 people in 2010. Despite serious holes in the prosecution's evidence - including shaky witness testimonies and an inability to place both men at the scene of the crime - a <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/03/santa-cruz-barillas-natural-resource.html" target="_blank">Huehuetenango court found both men guilty</a> of being accomplices to murder in February 2015. Saúl and Rogelio were previously detained from May 2012 – January 2013, accused by Spanish company, Hidro Santa Cruz of causing disturbances associated with the assassination of community member Andrés Francisco Miguel, on May 1 2012. </div>
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The retrial will open on September 1 and is expected to take a month and a half. If everything moves forward as scheduled, the sentencing hearing will take place on October 13, 2015. </div>
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Family members of the accused are calling for an international presence at the retrial, including from the U.S. Embassy in Guatemala, as one way to ensure that Saúl and Rogelio get a fair trial. <a href="http://org2.salsalabs.com/o/6497/p/dia/action3/common/public/?action_KEY=21088" target="_blank">TAKE ACTION!</a> Call on the U.S. Embassy to recognize the intentional manipulation of the Guatemalan justice system by transnational corporations, and observe the retrial. All signatures will be collected before August 21 to be turned in to the Embassy prior to the start of the retrial on September 1. </div>
NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-59329160731698429642015-08-14T13:47:00.001-07:002015-08-14T14:08:12.308-07:00For there to be peace in Barillas...<div>
Original article posted on <a href="https://cmiguate.org/para-que-haya-paz-en-barillas/" target="_blank">CMI-Guatemala in Spanish</a> on August 11, 2015.</div>
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Written by Alba Cecilia Mérida</div>
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Translation by NISGUA</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Juanita López from Santa Eulalia, wife of Domingo Baltazar<br />
Photo: Roderico Díaz (CMI-Guatemala)</td></tr>
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On August 8, beneath the energy and protection of Kawok - symbolizing the strength of unity and wisdom - hundreds of women, men, boys, girls, youth, and the elderly gathered in the central park of Santa Cruz Barillas to celebrate life and come together for an Artistic-Cultural Gathering for Peace in Santa Cruz Barillas and Freedom for Political Prisoners. </div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Youth from Huehuetenango paint posts in Barillas.<br />
Photo: Gustavo Illescas (CMI-Guatemala)</td></tr>
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This gathering is a continuation of many other encounters, caravans, demonstrations, and political actions that have taken place over the years. But now, more than ever, these actions are demanding the timely release of our compañeros from northern Huehuetenango who are being held as political prisoners: Don Tello Villatoro, Don Chico Palas, Arturo Pablo, Saúl Méndez, Rogelio Velásquez, Mynor López, Ermitanio López, as well as Rigoberto Juárez and Domingo Baltazar, from Santa Eulalia.<br />
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The gathering began on Friday, August 7 when 108 people departed from Guatemala City, Totonicapán, San Marcos, Quetzaltenango, and from various municipalities of Huehuetenango. Friends from other countries came to join the gathering, where musicians, singers, artists, poets, dancers, rappers, rockers, jugglers, alternative journalists, and other researchers poured all of our creativity and hope into one single demand: FREEDOM for our People. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjlLJo03SAtksJ9dBArC2KpLqfQxwfrf7g3gTTM95Tdo-S0swG2XX8kJfVuIg9oenSHUTnGyu8fg8JQ6v2O5IO8mH8_8wVX684gA0fA68fjOXzWTWCWZMmMHN7wslm5QC3UlWMsguvlTkI/s1600/band_Gustavo_Barillas.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjlLJo03SAtksJ9dBArC2KpLqfQxwfrf7g3gTTM95Tdo-S0swG2XX8kJfVuIg9oenSHUTnGyu8fg8JQ6v2O5IO8mH8_8wVX684gA0fA68fjOXzWTWCWZMmMHN7wslm5QC3UlWMsguvlTkI/s320/band_Gustavo_Barillas.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">From left to right: Tito Medina (Guatemala), Alfredo Rafael (San<br />
Juan Ixcoy), Juan Pablo Ozaeta (Guatemala) and Byron Sosa<br />
(Quetzaltenango). Photo: Gustavo Illescas (CMI-Guatemala)</td></tr>
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The day was a gift from our Mother Earth; we felt joy, the sun, art, the wind, dignity. We felt the strength of each person who joined us before [the caravan] left for Barillas. Their support, generosity and solidarity were fundamental in being able to say to the people of Barillas: "Here we are. You are not alone. We are not alone." In the strict sense, those of us who attended the gathering were not giving, supporting or helping; on the contrary, with our presence, we were returning the sacrifices made by the people of Barillas, Santa Eulalia and others in the region. It is they who have experienced first-hand the merciless attacks by the corporate criminal, Hidro Santa Cruz. </div>
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At one moment during the day, Juan Aguirre, one of the singers at the gathering, told Doña Ana Molina, the wife of Don Tello Villatoro: "I cannot come close to imagining your suffering." Yet when he sang, he reminded us that dreams can become reality and that these dreams are enough to encourage us to not back down from the struggle each of us carry or from the struggle that depends on each of us.</div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEidIG3zw68oCDSmbYnIF9qSyVmSpI2wYV0QVJTBcG9Zfy6-mWO_f4K6jnSDuB-Fb4MFyE8khkP9TIXy1jfqRKjaGz9j02ysu2gnAXzdz6X7H7JNHJtj3si3giw2PF71umymL5jBIpfPEy0/s1600/rock_Barillas_Gustavo.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEidIG3zw68oCDSmbYnIF9qSyVmSpI2wYV0QVJTBcG9Zfy6-mWO_f4K6jnSDuB-Fb4MFyE8khkP9TIXy1jfqRKjaGz9j02ysu2gnAXzdz6X7H7JNHJtj3si3giw2PF71umymL5jBIpfPEy0/s320/rock_Barillas_Gustavo.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Rock group "Perro con Alas." Photo: Gustavo Illescas (CMI-Guatemala)</td></tr>
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The Artistic-Cultural Gathering for Peace in Santa Cruz Barillas and for Freedom for Political Prisoners included the participation of people from the grassroots and from all four corners. This movement has been articulate and mindful, and has presented creative proposals that rise above the oppress<span style="text-align: left;">ion imposed by systems that promote death: political parties, transnational companies, racism, and the State of Guatemala, which at all costs, seeks to crush any sign of the dignity of our peoples. </span></div>
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At different moments throughout the day, we couldn't hold back our tears. One such moment was when Mónica Castañeda, Arturo Pablo's wife, cried when she emphatically said "I know my Arturo. He has only defended his people. That's why they have imprisoned him."<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Mónica Castañeda, wife of the teacher Arturo Pablo.<br />
Photo: Roderico Díaz (CMI-Guatemala)</td></tr>
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Other moments, only some of us were able to experience. Don Pablo Antonio Pablo was speaking with Rubén, and when I saw them speaking in hushed voices I asked, "What happened?" Rubén said, "He is very sad." And Don Pablo cried, and cried, and cried for his son. All he could say was "I am sad for my Arturo, but I bless you because you are here with us." I saw a man sitting on a corner for several hours. I saw him nodding along to many of the things that were being said, and at one point, he cam<span style="text-align: left;">e over to me and said, "I am Saúl's father. I came to get to know those who are supporting my son." The tears overflowed and the deep sadness swept across the park for each one of the sons, husbands, brothers, grandfathers who are now absent because they are imprisoned. </span></div>
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Once more, the wives and other family members of the political prisoners showed the deep love they have for and can give to the defense of their life partners. The composure and the strength Doña Ana, Doña Priscila, Doña Guadalupe, Doña Juanita, Carmelia, Zenaida, Juanita, and Mónica possess is a source of inspiration and encourages us to continue to accompany them.<br />
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The messages of peaceful resistance from the people of Barillas in the face of repression from Hidro Santa Cruz were overwhelmingly clear: "We want Peace. We respect Mother Earth. We don't want any more plundering or violence." More than once, people repeated the phrase: <b>"There is no price on our dignity."</b><br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3A1yA6LRJluf3PyznBotulKDPw2j-aXi4AFHRZ4evhTUSzpSrIYVg4wzcTjyjoPtBWgEYi0rW7v7esMD_vvUrQi994hDU0xT48_QEzfH6GceQjfBS7Iwy9qyvK0BmzQL5E9gwLzuiGqA/s1600/DonaGuadalupe_Rode.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="180" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi3A1yA6LRJluf3PyznBotulKDPw2j-aXi4AFHRZ4evhTUSzpSrIYVg4wzcTjyjoPtBWgEYi0rW7v7esMD_vvUrQi994hDU0xT48_QEzfH6GceQjfBS7Iwy9qyvK0BmzQL5E9gwLzuiGqA/s320/DonaGuadalupe_Rode.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Doña Guadalupe, wife of Don Chico Palas.<br />
Photo: Roderico Díaz (CMI-Guatemala)</td></tr>
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Each artistic performance moved us. Seldom are we able to connect the energy of those of us who need to live life with intensity and fullness, but this connection of energy took place throughout that beautiful day. I'll close these few words now with a poem written by Eulalia Hermelinda, an 11-year-old girl from Santa Cruz Barillas. She wrote about what needs to happen so that we all can have peace. <br />
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Peace.</div>
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For there to be peace in the world,</div>
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There must be peace in the nations.</div>
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For there to be peace in the nations,</div>
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There must be peace in the cities.</div>
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For there to be peace in the cities,</div>
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There must be peace between neighbors.</div>
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For there to be peace between neighbors,</div>
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There must be peace in the homes.</div>
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For there to be peace in the homes,</div>
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There must be peace in the hearts.</div>
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For there to be peace in Barillas,</div>
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The Political Prisoners must return to their homes. </div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghDLAe3y7oItE7yKl6vHgMP3f9mM5elCqRSPZjIPyeCWwjhkvfyWJgCEZnfpB8_MHZBYBl7miOVdfyQWmZPSW8S9rKjLe6YmBbrWORIJrMG5J9JU-Etcs1xs5wlduUDrncMR6RMvpSemA/s1600/barillas_rode.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghDLAe3y7oItE7yKl6vHgMP3f9mM5elCqRSPZjIPyeCWwjhkvfyWJgCEZnfpB8_MHZBYBl7miOVdfyQWmZPSW8S9rKjLe6YmBbrWORIJrMG5J9JU-Etcs1xs5wlduUDrncMR6RMvpSemA/s320/barillas_rode.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Members of the women's group Akabal. Left: poet Eulalia Hermelinda.<br />
Photo: Roderico Díaz (CMI-Guatemala)</td></tr>
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-32829896060266495582015-07-28T14:47:00.000-07:002015-08-14T10:14:49.970-07:00Ríos Montt ordered to undergo a full psychiatric review"We can't allow the massacres in our communities to remain in impunity. We've already achieved our sentence, but we're ready for it to be declared a second time because we know there was genocide." - Julia Cortéz, spokesperson for the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR), plaintiff in the genocide case.<br />
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Questions surrounding ex-general Ríos Montt's health and mental capacities took center stage on Thursday during attempts to restart the Guatemala genocide trial, ending in a court order to intern the former dictator for ten days at the Federico Mora psychiatric hospital. Judge María Eugenia Castellanos, president of the High Risk Crimes Court Tribunal B, ordered Ríos Montt to undergo a physical and psychiatric review to determine whether he is mentally fit to be re-tried. This order was undermined by a series of legal actions by the defense; the first, a habeas corpus filed with a separate court, which halted the transfer scheduled for Saturday, July 25. Ríos Montt was eventually granted the right to be evaluated in a private facility.</div>
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The July 23 decision came after 8 hours of fits and starts in the proceedings due to a procedural delay in the morning, multiple defense arguments that the ex-general was unable to move or stand trial and technical problems with the internet teleconference in Ríos Montt's home. The Public Prosecutor slammed the INACIF (National Forensic Institute) report issued two weeks ago, claiming Ríos Montt is unfit to stand trial, or even be re-evaluated. The report describes that at the time of the evaluation, Ríos Montt was under the influence of medications which could present a serious health risk to the 89-year old, including Olanzapine (anti-psychotic), Tramadol (opiod) and Valdure (analgesic). Other anomalies in the INACIF report were the use of a psychological and not psychiatric methodology, and that Ríos Montt’s private physician and his daughter, presidential candidate Zury Ríos, were the only people present at the evaluation.</div>
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After a long deliberation, the tribunal ordered the ten-day internment at the state-run mental health facility for a full physical and psychiatric evaluation. That Ríos Montt was ordered to Federico Mora, a state mental health facility with <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/30/world/americas/commission-calls-for-guatemala-to-protect-patients.html?_r=0" target="_blank">a reputation for its poor conditions</a>, caused surprise in the courtroom.</div>
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That Saturday morning, the Public Prosecutor and National Police arrived at Ríos Montt’s home to carry out the order issued by Tribunal B. However, the defendant’s lawyers appeared with notification of a last-minute habeas corpus, provisionally approved by the Femicide Appeals Court, which sought to prevent his transfer by requesting a personal appearance in court. The same Femicide Court rejected the request just four days later, but the defense immediately filed and was granted another appeal with a separate court that once again stalled Ríos Montt's transfer to the state facility and instead ordered his internment in a private hospital. <br />
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All parties went back to court on August 4 at which time the Tribunal B upheld the ruling by the lower court by agreeing to allow Ríos Montt to be evaluated at a private facility. In a hearing scheduled for August 18, the Tribunal B will evaluate the results of the new psychiatric examination and determine if Ríos Montt is mentally fit to stand trial.</div>
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UN CICIG chief: If judicial system doesn't assume responsibility, MP & CICIG efforts can do little vs corruption <a href="https://t.co/gsLEULXpYV">https://t.co/gsLEULXpYV</a></div>
— NISGUA (@NISGUA_Guate) <a href="https://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate/status/625129338766274560">July 26, 2015</a></blockquote>
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<a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/01/genocide-retrial-recusal-of-judge-leads.html" target="_blank">This is the second attempt</a> to restart the trial after the Constitutional Court overturned the 2013 verdict sentencing Ríos Montt to 80 years in prison for crimes against humanity and genocide against the Ixil people. Judge recusal motions and claims that Ríos Montt is unfit to stand trial have been the primary strategy of the defense in stalling the opening of the second public hearing. Until the issue of Ríos Montt’s evaluation is resolved, the 2nd public hearing of the genocide is stalled.</div>
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For more information about the INACIF report, <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/07/survivors-call-into-question-inacif.html" target="_blank">read the response from survivors</a> after the report was issued.<br />
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Ongoing accompaniment and international observation is being requested by both the survivor organization and their legal teams for the re-trial. </div>
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<i>NISGUA, through the international coalition ACOGUATE, has provided human rights accompaniment to the witness' organization, the Association for Justice and Reconciliation since 2000. Follow NISGUA_Guate on Twitter for live updates. </i><br />
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-45050015160338678422015-07-13T14:15:00.001-07:002015-07-13T14:27:25.186-07:00In wake of Guatemala corruption scandals, Tahoe Resources’ Escobal license faces legal challengeOn July 12, 2015, the Guatemalan Center for Environmental and Social Legal Action (CALAS) filed criminal charges against former Minister of the Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM), Erick Archila, and former mines director at MEM, Fernando Castellanos. CALAS is accusing Archila and Castellanos of violating the Constitution and for breach of duty for having granted Tahoe Resources an exploitation license for the Escobal project without adequate consideration of more than 250 community complaints against the project. CALAS called on the UN-backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) to fully investigate the Escobal licensing process, citing Archila's possible involvement in influence trafficking and illicit enrichment.<br />
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CALAS’s complaint reflects <span id="goog_793092076"></span><a href="http://tahoeontrial.net/what-has-tahoe-resources-got-to-hide/" target="_blank">ongoing and widespread opposition to mining in Santa Rosa and Jalapa,</a><span id="goog_793092077"></span> which the government and company alike have ignored. Beginning in December 2011, more than a year before MEM granted Tahoe Resources its license, residents from various communities in Santa Rosa and Jalapa began filing administrative complaints against the project, according to provisions within Guatemala's mining law. The complaints, over 250 in all, expressed opposition to the project based on anticipated environmental impacts, which would violate residents' rights to water and to live in a healthy environment. </div>
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According to the mining law, MEM is required to hold a hearing with the affected individual and the mining company in order to resolve each complaint. However, on April 3, 2012, less than one hour before the press conference when the approval of Tahoe’s exploitation license was announced, all of the complaints were dismissed.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4379338190088310830#_ftn1">[1]</a> CALAS argues that the Escobal license was therefore granted illegally and in violation of constitutional rights.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4379338190088310830#_ftn2">[2]</a> In May 2013, they initiated legal proceedings to repeal MEM's decision.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4379338190088310830#_ftn3">[3]</a><br />
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<a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2013/07/guatemalan-complainants-celebrate.html" target="_blank">On July 23, 2013, the Civil and Mercantile Division of Guatemala's First Court of Appeals decided in favor of the communities</a>, upholding the appeal and putting the legality of the Escobal exploitation license in question. Tahoe Resources' Guatemala subsidiary Minera San Rafael appealed the decision, sending the case to the Constitutional Court. A final decision is pending. </div>
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The recent charges come in the wake of an <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/05/a-corruption-scandal-new-vice-president.html" target="_blank">ongoing political crisis in Guatemala</a> sparked by joint CICIG and Public Prosecutor investigations that revealed rampant corruption in the social security and customs offices, as well as in the judicial system and Congress. So far, 42 people, including President Molina's former personal secretary, his general secretary and the head of the national bank, have been arrested. Vice President Roxana Baldetti resigned on May 8 under suspicion of illegal enrichment and <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/06/congressional-commission-formed-to.html" target="_blank">Congress is considering stripping Otto Perez Molina of his presidential immunity</a>. Former MEM Minister Erick Archila resigned on May 15 and is facing allegations of corruption, money laundering and anomalies in the granting of numerous government contracts. <br />
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4379338190088310830#_ftnref">[1]</a> Prensa Libre, “MEM inválida oposiciones en Santa Rosa” (5 April 2013), online: <http: noticias="" uatemala-ministerio_de_energia_y_minas-mineria-licencias_0_895110718.html="" www.prensalibre.com=""> <br /><br /><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4379338190088310830#_ftnref">[2]</a> La Hora, “Tensión por proyecto minero en San Rafael Las Flores” (10 April 2013), online: http://www.lahora.com.gt/index.php/nacional/guatemala/actualidad/176076-tension-por-proyecto-minero-en-san-rafael-las-flores <br /><br /><a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4379338190088310830#_ftnref">[3]</a> El Periodico, “Despues de recibir ataques, CALAS anuncia acciones legales contra mina” (4 April 2013), online: <http: elperiodico.com.gt="" es="" pais=""></http:></http:><br />
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-57365287437800335712015-07-09T15:25:00.000-07:002015-07-09T15:25:10.953-07:00Survivors call into question INACIF report claiming Ríos Montt too sick to stand trialOn Tuesday, Guatemala's National Forensic Science Institute (INACIF) published a report stating that former general Efraín Ríos Montt is mentally unfit to stand trial. The report was requested by Judge Carol Patricia Flores, the same judge who <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2013/04/genocide-on-trial-day-20-defense.html" target="_blank">attempted to annul the genocide trial proceedings on April 18, 2013</a>. <div>
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The former de facto president was convicted on May 10th, 2013 for genocide and crimes against humanity inflicted against the Maya Ixil population during Guatemala's internal armed conflict. The Constitutional Court annulled the conviction ten days later in a controversial ruling many have deemed illegal. The first retrial date set for January 5th, 2015, was suspended before it began when Ríos Montt's defense <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/01/genocide-retrial-recusal-of-judge-leads.html" target="_blank">successful recused the lead judge Jeannette Valdés.</a></div>
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Now, the future of the new retrial date, set for July 23, has been thrust into question by the INACIF report. It is up to the High Risk Crimes Court "B" - the three-judge tribunal assigned to hear the case - whether or not to accept INACIF's report that claims Ríos Montt does not have the full use of his mental faculties, is not capable of understanding the charges against him, and is unfit to stand trial.</div>
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In a July 8 statement, the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR) and the Center for Human Rights Legal Action (CALDH) call into question the validity of the report and point to violations of due process. Specifically, the organizations state that Judge Carol Patricia Flores' court does not have the judicial authority to request a report from INACIF regarding this case. </div>
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Flores temporarily brought the genocide trial to a halt in 2013 after she ruled to annul all proceedings after November 23, 2011, including her own January 2012 decision to formally indict Ríos Montt on charges of genocide. The Constitutional Court later overturned Flores' decision, ruling that she did not have the authority to make a decision on a case that had moved on to another court.</div>
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The obstruction tactics Flores' employed in favor the defense raised some serious alarm bells for judicial impartiality back in 2013. Now, her name has surfaced as a person of interest in an investigation led by the UN-backed International Commission Against Impunity (CIGIG) into corrupt judges. It was recommended that her judicial immunity be revoked so she could be investigated for illegal enrichment - essentially, taking bribes.</div>
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The AJR and CALDH also question the impartiality of the INACIF report, pointing to section 9.6 which states: "It is not necessary to carry out further evaluations, which would only cause a greater stress upon the life of the person being evaluated." </div>
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Below is a section of the press release from the AJR and CALDH.</div>
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"The process is in the hands of the Sentencing Tribunal of High-Risk Crimes 'B' and that is the competent court to hear everything related to the case. It was this court that ruled to open the trial again on July 23, and as such, we believe the trial will continue. Once again, survivors will show that in Guatemala, there was genocide.</div>
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Both the witnesses and the victims of genocide are ready to participate in a new trial when the Guatemalan justice system shows itself capable of respecting judicial independence. The process needs to be carried out according to the law, without allowing the judicial bodies who carry out the process to succumb to the pressure of sectors interested in keeping the serious human rights violations of the past in impunity. </div>
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There already exists a condemnatory sentence for genocide and crimes against humanity, which was never annulled. It continues to be valid. This sentence reflects the truth of the Ixil people and proof that in Guatemala, genocide - a crime that holds international transcendence and is an affront to the dignity of all of humanity - happened. The State has an obligation to carry out a trial. </div>
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<br />Once more, <br />#WeWillProveIt #YesThereWasGenocide<br />#VamosaDemostrarlo <a href="https://www.facebook.com/hashtag/sihubogenocidio?source=feed_text&story_id=1163357457012934" target="_blank">#SIHUBOGENOCIDIO</a><br />Guatemala July 8, 2015</div>
NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-38095856730586103662015-07-09T15:02:00.000-07:002015-07-09T15:44:59.182-07:00NISGUA's 2015 summer of grassroots organizing kicks off in Los AngelesLast month, Los Angeles communities kicked off our summer of grassroots organizing and celebration with the first “house party” of the season hosted by the inspiring collective and cultural space, Eastside Cáfe in El Sereno. Local organizers came together with LA cultural performers and families to celebrate the 10-year anniversary of the community consultation movement in Guatemala to defend land and life against resource extraction. Together with music, dance, poetry and ritual, we celebrated the ancestral decision-making practices that have been honored and held at the center of the movements for self-determination across Guatemala.<br />
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Lead organizer, Natasha Kerr, expressed her involvement with June’s event: </div>
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“Volunteering with NISGUA allows me to reconnect with my Guatemalan roots. I feel energized to build community and defend our Mother Earth along with our brothers and sisters in Guatemala. I feel part of a movement that transcends borders and is creating a new path for future generations.”<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Women from Grupo Folklorico Mi Bella Guatemala perform a <br />
ceremonial dance at the event in Los Angeles. <br />
Photo credit: <span style="font-size: 12.8000001907349px;">Claudia Hernandez</span></td></tr>
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Between performances, NISGUA was honored to teleconference with community leader and former political prisoner, Rubén Herrera, who helped to organize the community consultation in Barillas, Huehuetenango. Rubén Herrera spoke about the current situation of criminalization and detention of leaders in the region and called for international solidarity with their struggle. The LA community responded with messages of encouragement to the eight political prisoners from Huehuetenango who have been unjustly imprisoned because of their leadership in defending their land, culture, and communities. </div>
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One supporter writes, “We are at an event in Los Angeles, California, educating our North American community about your struggle and commitment. Together, we call for your freedom and for justice in Guatemala.” </div>
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Special thanks to Grupo Folklorico Mi Bella Guatemala, Trés Generaciones, Fidél Sanchez, and Jóvenes en Resistencia for your beautiful contributions to the event. <a href="https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.815540311899080.1073741844.159547364165048&type=3" target="_blank">For some photos please visit our FB album here</a>.<br />
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Just two days after the kick-off to our summer of house parties, one of our participants on the <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/04/a-report-back-on-nisguas-rivers-for.html" target="_blank">2015 Rivers For Life delegation </a>also held an intimate gathering of family and friends for a report back just outside of LA. Accompanied by beautiful photos and an engaging conversation on how the history of imperialism and U.S. policy continues to shape the current realities for Guatemala, the event answered calls by our partners at ACODET that delegates return to their homes and communities to share their experiences visiting and learning with the communities in resistance to the Xalalá Dam.<br />
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The next community event is planned for tomorrow, Friday July 11, 4:30pm-7:30pm, at Sun Rise Restaurant in San Francisco, CA. <a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/1680280598857491/1682289478656603/" target="_blank">Please see the event page on FB</a> for more details or email <a href="mailto:megan@nisgua.org">megan@nisgua.org</a>. We are still hoping more U.S. cities will participate in this season of grassroots community building. For support in planning your event, please email <a href="mailto:megan@nisgua.org">megan[AT]nisgua.org</a>, and we will provide you with all the tools you may need for a successful and meaningful house party this summer!</div>
NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-73872361162044268392015-07-08T13:17:00.000-07:002015-07-08T13:18:01.967-07:00Sepur Zarco: First case of sexual slavery will be heard in Guatemalan courtsOn June 22, 2015, Judge Miguel Ángel Gálvez ruled to accept witness testimonies and other evidence in the Sepur Zarco sexual slavery case. This is the first case of its kind to be heard in Guatemala courts and will be presided over by Judge Yassmín Barrios. The case first began in September 2011, when the Breaking the Silence and Impunity Alliance<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4379338190088310830#_ftn1">[1]</a> filed a legal complaint against former military personnel on charges of sexual violence committed against the Q'eqchi' women at the Sepur Zarco military base during the internal armed conflict. Although no firm trial date is set, it is expected to begin early next year.<br />
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In 1982, the military arrived in Sepur Zarco in eastern Guatemala and accused the Q'eqchí community of forming part of the guerilla. The nearby military base, used as a rest and recreation center for soldiers, was operating within a larger context of illegal land grabs. The center had the support of powerful national and international economic interests who were using large areas of land in the area to produce sugar cane for biofuels and carry out other resource extraction activities. <br />
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During the preliminary phase of the trial, 15 women testified to having been enslaved and repeatedly raped by soldiers - sometimes in front of their children - between 1982 and 1988. During these years, they were also forced to cook for the soldiers and wash their clothes. Many of the women were held hostage at the base for at least 6 months in 1982 after their husbands had been disappeared. </div>
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Former Colonel Esteelmer Francisco Reyes Girón and former Military Commissioner Heriberto Valdéz Asig <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/07/retired-military-officials-arraigned.html" target="_blank">were arrested and indicted in 2014</a>, Reyes Girón is being charged with crimes against humanity, including sexual violence, sexual slavery, domestic slavery, cruel and inhumane treatment, and murder. Valdéz Asig is also being accused of crimes against humanity, including sexual violence and forced disappearance. <br />
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For more information on the Sepur Zarco case, read <a href="http://www.fokuskvinner.no/es/Noticia/2012/I-dont-want-to-die-without-seeing-justice-Sexual-Slavery-During-Guatemalas-Armed-Conflict/" target="_blank">an article</a> written by a Luz Mendez, a leader with UNAMG, and <a href="http://upsidedownworld.org/main/guatemala-archives-33/5346-sexual-violence-as-a-war-crime-in-guatemala-mayan-women-struggle-for-justice-" target="_blank">an interview</a> with Gabriela Rivera, a lawyer with Mujeres Transformando el Mundo. </div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">A survivor testifies in 2012 with the support<br />
of an interpreter. Photo credit: CPR Urbana</td></tr>
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This case of sexual slavery has opened the door for other cases of sexual violence committed during the armed conflict to be heard - including during the 2013 genocide trial - and has set the stage for the inclusion of the systematic use of sexual violence by the military as considered a war crime. According to the Historical Clarification Commission, 88.7% of the sexual violence committed during the armed conflict was against indigenous women.<br />
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Judge Barrios presided over the historic 2013 genocide case that convicted former general Efraín Ríos Montt of genocide and crimes against humanity. Ever since the Constitutional Court overturned the verdict ten days later in a controversial ruling, Judge Barrios has had to fight her own legal battles against economic and military interests that continue to hold power in Guatemala. Shortly after emitting the sentence, Guatemala's Bar Association imposed sanctions on her and attempted to have her suspended from the bench . Later, the Constitutional Court unanimously rejected the sanctions, citing the Bar's actions to impose sanctions on Barrios as an "<a href="http://www.ijmonitor.org/2015/03/constitutional-court-rejects-sanctions-against-judge-who-convicted-rios-montt-of-genocide/" target="_blank">improper intrusion on judicial independence.</a>"<br />
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The Public Prosecutor and plaintiffs for this case have already denounced the stalling tactics being employed by the defense in this case as an attempt to evade justice. In the coming months, it will continue to be important to hold the international spotlight on this precedent-setting case. Through ACOGUATE, NISGUA has accompanied the Sepur Zarco case since 2012. <br />
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4379338190088310830#_ftnref">[1]</a> The Breaking the Silence and Impunity Alliance is made up of three organizations: Women Transforming the World (Mujeres Transformando el Mundo - MTM), the Community Studies and Psychosocial Action Team (Equipo de Estudios Comunitarios y Acción Psicosocial - ECAP) and the National Union of Guatemalan Women (la Unión Nacional de las Mujeres Guatemaltecas - UNAMG). <br />
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-90444941378855800722015-06-23T10:15:00.000-07:002015-06-23T10:16:14.029-07:00Second solidarity festival for political prisoners in Huehuetenango"This is all of our struggle. Who doesn't breathe this air? Who doesn't drink this water? Who doesn't feel the rays of the shining sun on their face? Standing up for life - this is my husband's crime. How many of our brothers and sisters have given their lives <i>for </i>life? For more than 500 years, people have tried to instill fear into us. We need to join together in this struggle....it's all of our struggle." - Juana Mendez, wife of political prisoner Rigoberto Juarez.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo credit: NISGUA</td></tr>
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Saturday, people gathered in Huehuetenango for the second Solidarity Festival with political prisoners. Since the first festival last December, six more land defenders from Huehuetenango have been arrested on trumped-up charges, as part of a state and corporate strategy to silence opposition to resource extraction projects in Guatemala. This brings the total to eight.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Those in attendance sign letters of support to those imprisoned.<br />
Photo credit: NISGUA</td></tr>
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For more information on community consultations in Guatemala and the pattern of criminalizing leaders, read NISGUA's latest report: <i><a href="http://nisgua.org/r84.pdf" target="_blank">Commemorating 10 years of community consultations in defense of life</a>.</i> The report is also <a href="http://nisgua.org/r84_Espanol.pdf" target="_blank">available in Spanish</a>.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Musician Tito Medina performed in the square, and then went<br />
to the prison to sing to several of the political prisoners.<br />
Photo credit: NISGUA</td></tr>
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The messages of the day were simple: Stop criminalizing legitimate struggles for the defense of land and freedom for political prisoners. Musicians came to show their support and unite struggles, including from La Puya who know first hand what it is like to have their movements criminalized by the heavy hand of an unjust legal system manipulated by corporate power.<br />
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Families of Huehue political prisoners light candles to bring strength to their loved ones in dark times. <a href="http://t.co/k10tO8It54">pic.twitter.com/k10tO8It54</a></div>
— NISGUA (@NISGUA_Guate) <a href="https://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate/status/612426155786829824">June 21, 2015</a></blockquote>
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Rubén Herrera, who has spent the last several years either in jail or battling arrest warrants was present. "I know what it's like to be in prison," he said. "These courts won't give us justice. These arrests are supported by the companies, but I'm here to tell you what those who are in prison would tell you if they could be here. We won't accept this - not yesterday, not today, not tomorrow. The struggle we're in is to change our country. That's why we're here."<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Rubén Herrera, together with his partner Cecilia Mérida.<br />
Photo credit: NISGUA</td></tr>
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Over the next few months, we invite you to participate in NISGUA's summer of base-building and host a house party. Those gathered will be invited to send a letter of encouragement to the political prisoners and one to the U.S. Embassy, expressing concern for the growing manipulation and corruption of the Guatemalan justice system in order to persecute human rights defenders. Gather together to celebrate, find inspiration, and draw connections from community-based movements for self-determination occurring throughout Guatemala, and strengthen our home network for justice and social change.<br />
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House parties are already being organized in San Francisco, Madison, Portland, Los Angeles, Austin, Seattle, and Toronto, Canada. Don't see your city on the list? Write to megan[at]nisgua.org to host an event or find other ways to get connected. Stay tuned for an online version of our action to support political prisoners in Huehuetenango.<br />
<br />NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-10968183301183038012015-06-19T14:59:00.000-07:002015-06-19T14:59:35.030-07:00Commemorating 10 years of community consultations in defense of land and lifeFor generations, indigenous communities in Guatemala have held consultations to make decisions on issues affecting their people and their lands. While the signing of the Peace Accords in 1996 facilitated the adoption of national laws and international agreements that recognized the particular rights of indigenous peoples, the post-conflict neoliberal economic model prioritized resource extraction — a practice fundamentally at odds with upholding these rights. Specifically, the 1997 Mining Law weakened oversight and lowered royalty rates for mining companies, and the 2005 Central American Free Trade Agreement further established foreign direct investment as a pillar of the Guatemalan economy.<br />
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Transnational mining and hydroelectric companies were given free rein to begin operations without the consent of impacted communities, and they quickly gained access to huge swaths of land in order to carry out resource exploration and exploitation activities. <b>In a land mass comparable to Tennessee, over 360 mining licenses have been issued and more than 600 are pending.</b><br />
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This month, NISGUA releases a report documenting the referenda movement in Guatemala as a community strategy to defend land against mining and other mega-development projects. We invite you to read the full report, <a href="http://nisgua.org/r84.pdf" target="_blank">"Commemorating 10 years of community consultations in defense of land and life" in English here</a>. The report is also available <a href="http://nisgua.org/r84_espanol.pdf" target="_blank">in Spanish</a>.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Communities in Santa Cruz del Quiché unanimously vote<br />
against resource extraction. Photo credit: James Rodríguez, mimundo.org</td></tr>
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Over the past ten years, more than a million people have voted in community referenda to ban mining activities on their lands. This ancestral decision-making practice is an act of resistance and expression of people power that has been a source of inspiration for movements for self-determination throughout the country and the world. </div>
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But together with the force of the Guatemalan government, resource extractions are fighting back and actively seeking the detention of those who oppose their projects. In the past few years, dozens of people opposed to mining projects have been arrested on trumped-up charges and have spent months - and even years - in prison awaiting a trial. Today, eight community leaders from Huehuetenango who played key roles in the organization of consultations in their territory are in prison. These husbands, fathers, brothers and sons stood up to demand respect for the results of the consultation even as state violence and repression mobilized to impose the projects against communities’ will.</div>
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<a href="http://nisgua.org/r84.pdf" target="_blank">We invite you to read the full version of the report</a> and take action to support the political prisoners from Huehuetenango who continue to stand up for land and life.</div>
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-14652224158162058982015-06-16T15:38:00.001-07:002015-06-17T07:36:23.074-07:00Petition to remove Pérez Molina's presidential immunity moves to CongressOn June 10th, Guatemala's Supreme Court unanimously voted to accept Congressman Amílcar Pop's petition to remove President Otto Pérez Molina's immunity. Pop is accusing President Molina of playing a role in the corruption scandals in the tax and health sectors, which were recently unveiled by the UN-backed International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) – revelations that have led to widespread protests throughout the country and calls for Molina's resignation. According to the constitution, the Supreme Court was then required to turn the file over to Congress, where five members were selected at random to form an investigative commission. The President is being accused of concealment and illicit association. <br />
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With one Congressman from <i>CREO</i>, one from Molina's own <i>Partido Patriota</i>, and three from <i>LIDER</i> - a party which allegedly spent the last three years making deals with the current government to stack the judiciary – the commission is now tasked with determining whether sufficient evidence exists to recommend stripping the president of his immunity. While this would not necessarily lead to an impeachment, it would allow for a full investigation and could possibly lead to the President's resignation. </div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Congressman Amílcar Pop appears before the Commission. <br />
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The Commission's final recommendation will be voted on in Congress, with 105 of 158 votes needed to pass. Congress can also vote to invalidate the recommendation and send the process back to the commission for further consideration. There is no set time limit for making the recommendation. Although the Commission has so far moved quickly and is set to hear Pop's arguments today (Tuesday, June 16), analysts warn that the process could drag on. The President has assured the public that he has no intention of stepping down and welcomes the investigation. </div>
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Protests in the country continue, criticizing the behind-the-scenes maneuvers by powerful economic and political actors to gain control of the crisis and thus the outcome. Chants and posters frequently seen and heard at the demonstrations denounce the intervention by the U.S. Embassy, and call for respect for autonomy as people push for real, systemic change.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">A woman holds a sign that reads, "Gringos: Mind your own business."<br />
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On June 2nd, President Molina and U.S. Ambassador Todd Robinson announced that the U.S. would provide polygraph tests for workers at the national tax agency. This announcement, together with the stark visual of Ambassador Robinson at the presidential podium with President Molina, has been seen as a strong signal of support for the embattled President, and has become a focal point in denouncing U.S. intervention in the country.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Ambassador Robinson with President Pérez Molina in June 2015<br />
<a href="https://nomada.gt/el-embajador-yo-no-mando-en-guatemala/" target="_blank">Photo Credit: Nómada</a></td></tr>
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In an <a href="https://nomada.gt/el-embajador-yo-no-mando-en-guatemala/" target="_blank">interview with Nómada</a> published on June 10th, Robinson re-stated multiple times that he is “not in charge in Guatemala.” He gave this statement in response to questions about the message the public event sent at a moment when “nobody wants to be photographed with President Otto Pérez.” Robinson emphasized that the U.S. remains committed to combating corruption in Guatemala, with the billion-dollar <a href="http://www.commondreams.org/views/2014/11/27/central-americas-alliance-prosperity-plan-shock-doctrine-child-refugee-crisis" target="_blank">Alliance for Prosperity</a> at the center of its foreign policy strategy. The Ambassador revealed that the U.S. had “one word” in the resignation of Vice-president Baldetti, but maintained that it was primarily the decision of the President and the Guatemalan government. He stated that the U.S. government “is looking forward to working with [President Pérez Molina] during the rest of his period.” </div>
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While the Embassy remains committed to Molina, popular support throughout the country is waning. For the eighth time last Saturday, thousands of people gathered throughout the country and in Guatemala City's central square to demand Molina’s resignation. Protestors also gathered last week outside of Congress to demand a speedy response from the Commission as they deliberate their recommendation to remove or maintain immunity. </div>
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<b>Background</b>:<br />
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The joint CICIG / Public Prosecutor investigation into two separate corruption rings have resulted in the resignation of Vice President Roxana Baldetti and six cabinet members. So far, 42 people, including President Molina's former personal secretary and the head of the National Bank, have been arrested. The Public Prosecutor's office has carried out searches in three of the properties owned by former Vice President Roxana Baldetti under suspicion of illegal enrichment due to involvement in the <i>La Linea</i> customs scandal. </div>
NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-48380693920102405472015-06-15T14:11:00.000-07:002015-06-15T14:11:34.744-07:00Accompanier Perspectives: HuehuetenangoDear Family and Friends,<div>
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Thanks to those of you who’ve responded to my recent call for action in solidarity with political prisoners in Huehuetenango and for financial support in NISGUA’s successful May Match campaign! Those of you who’ve signed in support of the release of Saúl Méndez and Rogelio Velasquez will have your voices heard in the coming weeks as NISGUA’s partners in Madrid coordinate the presentation of the petition to Guatemalan embassies in North American and Europe.</div>
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It has been a while since I’ve reached out to you all with more substantive updates and reflections on my work as a human rights accompanier in Guatemala, but I’ve been thinking of you. Firstly, with the (bittersweet) excitement of knowing that I’ll be seeing many of you soon as I conclude my six-month contract this week and start to make my way back north. And secondly, with curiosity and hope in the histories converging in the current moment in both the U.S. and Guatemala that have provoked diverse forms of protest and commentary in response to the specific violences of institutionalized racism and corruption. </div>
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Throughout the unfolding of what many are calling a “black spring” in the United States, I have been doing my best to stay well-informed and vocal from afar, but have learned that while social media helps me keep my anger current, it also affirms distance and lends itself to feelings of powerlessness. For this reason, I am especially looking forward to opportunities for shared, in-real-life reflection (and action) with those of you who’ve been directly engaging (as listeners, as actors) in the #BlackLivesMatter movement. Even from where I stand in Guatemala, it is clear that the questions we need to ask ourselves are difficult, the answers complex, and the stakes as high as they have always been.</div>
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Right now in Guatemala, the same is true. This spring, in the largest wave of popular protests since the signing of the Peace Accords in 1996, the population has demanded the resignation of public figures (including the president) believed to be linked to the crime syndicate “La Linea,” which compromised customs revenue by waiving import tariffs in exchange for bribes. The protests (connected by their shared usage of #RenunciaYa or #StepDownAlready) have led to the resignation of the vice-president last month (which analysts have also linked to the influence of the U.S. embassy and American economic interests) and have energized similar investigations aimed at undermining impunity. In a country where an indigenous majority experiences some of the deepest poverty in the region and where the current regime frequently cites a deficit for the deplorable conditions of its education and health systems, it is not surprising that the abuse of public funds has been met with unrest. </div>
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#BlackLivesMatter and #RenunicaYa have emerged from distinct contexts and reflect varied objectives, but they have something important in common: a dawning recognition that the creation of a just present requires deep and critical engagement with the past. Beyond expressing just rage in response to specific instances of extreme police violence, #BlackLivesMatter protests address the pervasive reality of institutionalized anti-black racism as a direct legacy of African slavery in North America. Similarly, the diverse perspectives represented in #RenunciaYa question the meaning of democracy and peace since the signing of the Peace Accords and reflect a shared acknowledgement that today, as they have long been, terror and impunity are the rule in Guatemala, while justice is the illusive exception. </div>
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So, what does all of this have to do with human rights accompaniment? </div>
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While the theft of public funds by La Linea may seem petty in comparison to the genocidal violence exercised by the state against poor and indigenous Guatemalans for decades (and centuries), the scandal is emblematic of the institutional precarity that permits human rights abuses to thrive in Guatemala. Weak courts, racist police, and highly corruptible public officials are easily utilized by transnational companies to repress movements that challenge their extractive, exploitative logic. In the midst of #RenunciaYa’s unfolding, three more leaders of the resistance to hydroelectric development in Huehuetenango have been incarcerated, and over a dozen more have had warrants issued for their arrest. The most recent arrests bring the total number of political prisoners in the north of Huehuetenango to 9, with every organization that I’ve accompanied experiencing the threat of the incarceration of its leaders. </div>
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While criminalization has intensified in my time as an accompanier (six new prisoners in six months), it is not a new phenomenon in Huehuetenango. In May 2012, five years after the people of Santa Cruz Barillas had unanimously refused the presence of extractive mega-projects in their territory in a consulta comunitaria, an activist who had vocally opposed the installation of two hydroelectric dams on the Cambalam River was murdered by the company’s private security. In the days following his murder, anticipating impunity, the people of Barillas rose up to demand justice for his death. The state responded with a state of siege, militarizing the city and its outlying villages, suspending civil liberties, and making massive arrests alleging destruction of company property and threats to its employees. For survivors of the internal armed conflict, the presence of the military was traumatizing; many took refuge in the forest, convinced that the war had started again, and some still suffer effects of post-traumatic stress. </div>
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While military intervention in Barillas sought to terrorize a public in unrest, the justice system has sent clear messages about its take on the value of rural Guatemalan life and transnational private property. The employees of Hidro Santa Cruz who murdered Andrés Francisco Miguel have yet to be successfully sentenced three years after his death, while community leaders have spent months and years in pretrial detention accusations based on their leadership, and not in their proved participation in criminal activity. Often, it has taken years to close their cases even after they have been released for lack of proof or faulty investigations. </div>
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In my last update, I introduced criminalization as a strategy for repressing and neutralizing social movements. In simple terms, criminalization literally makes activist leadership a crime. In the cases I’ve witnessed in my time as an accompanier, leaders have been charged as the intellectual authors of spontaneous protests that have demanded justice and accountability for state sanctioned violence. But many have actually played mediating roles in conflictive situations, attempting to minimize the risks that protesters take in expressing their desire for justice while maximizing the possibilities for dialogue. But the character of their participation is not of interest to prosecutors; their mere presence has made them the subject of criminal investigations. In some cases, being present isn’t even requisite for being charged.</div>
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The repressive impact of incarcerating leaders is made more effective by the issuing of arrest warrants against entire organizations and communities. While an arrest warrant does not guarantee an arrest, the threat of arrest may be even more debilitating to the capacity of movements to demand justice. The most recent arrests have been made in the capital, where leaders have traveled between 8 and 13 hours to attend hearings for their peers or file police reports against violent public officials. An arrest in the capital, as opposed to in rural Huehuetenago, sends a strong message: Leaving home means increasing risk of arrest, and the police knows when you leave home.</div>
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What’s more, these arrests have been highly public and visible to movements based in other regions, where the impact of criminalization is felt as well. Where I work in Huehuetenango, the impacts are palpable: Those with warrants live in fear of arrest and must navigate the need to limit their movement and participation as movement becomes more necessary than ever. The families of those incarcerated adapt to long, frequent, and expensive trips to capital cities to visit their loved ones, while living the consequences of a lost income, all while movements require their collaboration to build broad support for political prisoners. For indigenous campesinos especially, navigating legal spaces and processes is an uphill battle, and language barriers and ethnic discrimination often mean total exclusion. On the periphery, some still talk about seeking refuge. </div>
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These are the kinds of conditions of abuse and threat that make human rights accompaniment a necessary and valued solidarity strategy in Guatemala, especially in Huehuetenango. As criminalization intensifies, the people I accompany have asked that we maintain our presence in the region and expand it into new spaces — to court rooms and prisons, and in activities where potentially criminalized activists risk arrest. More than anything, this has meant that my team and I have been present to observe the legal processes starting at the moment of incarceration, and that we’ve heightened our attention to factors of security that threaten the capacity of the people we accompany to live, work, and organize for their communities safely. </div>
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In this context, it is clear that international accompaniment alone does not wield sufficient dissuasive power to prevent the unjust imprisonment of activists. Rather, as our presence continues to be felt and valued by the people who request it, we must think of ways in which accompaniment can support a variety of strategies for reducing harm while working to undermine exploitation and abuse.</div>
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On my last day as an accompanier, I observed the first hearing for the case of three leaders from Barillas who were arrested almost exactly three months before. The outcome of the hearing wasn’t positive; the judge denied the defense’s request to revise the charges in consideration of various irregularities in the investigation, and it remained unclear how long they’d have to wait for their next hearing. But as we left the courtroom, things got worse: another community leader who’d traveled from Barillas in support of his three compañeros was presented with a photocopy of a warrant for his arrest. Nearly two hours passed before he was presented with a legal version of the warrant, and we accompanied him as he was handcuffed and taken to the basement holding cells to await his arraignment. </div>
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As I observed his entrance into the jail, I heard my name being called from a nearby cell, “Don Davíd! Aquí! Don Davíd”! The three men who’d had the hearing earlier that day were waiting to be transferred back to their long-term cell assignment in a nearby prison. They called me over to ask me questions about the arrest of their compañero, to advocate for the safest placement possible for him in the prison where’d they’d been held previously in Huehuetenango, and reached their hands up out of the dark cell to touch mine through the narrow bars. They smiled as I said goodbye.</div>
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While I reciprocated the joy of seeing them, the feeling was hard to sustain. I’ve never seen places so ugly and hopeless, so unapologetically violent, as the prisons where I’ve made visits in the last six months. It isn’t possible to witness the horror of mass incarceration without feeling some level of powerlessness and rage, without feeling exasperation with common sense notions of justice that rationalize such contempt for human life. I’ve been holding these feelings for several months now, perhaps longer, and I think those feelings are important, but I am so grateful for those smiling hands in the darkness reminding me that joy is necessary in survival.</div>
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There are lots of ways that I will remember my work as an accompanier, and there are many ways in which I intend to continue in its spirit in other contexts. I'll be transitioning back to my "normal" life in the next few weeks, but I feel more aware than ever that while working as a human rights accompanier has been a unique experience in my life, the ongoing work of shared survival is everyone's. That work didn't start six months ago and it doesn't end now. </div>
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As always, thanks for sticking with me throughout my experience. </div>
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In Solidarity,</div>
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-60092451762137379972015-06-12T11:42:00.000-07:002015-06-26T14:14:02.163-07:00Communities defend right to clean water, continue to speak out against Tahoe's dirty mine<div class="separator" style="clear: both;">
In honor of World Environment Day, communities impacted by Tahoe Resources' Escobal mine did what they have consistently done since the mining company came on to their lands - stand up for land, water and life against mega-development extraction. The situation is critical: just over a year into the start of commercial production at the massive silver mine, water contamination and scarcity is already being reported and confirmed by community members, government officials and environmental organizations.</div>
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Beneath the rain, over a hundred people gathered outside the Ministry of the Environment and Natural Resources (MARN) to denounce the Initial Environmental Assessment (EAI) for the Juan Bosco exploration license, owned by Tahoe Resources' subsidiary, Minera San Rafael. Despite <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/09/communities-in-santa-rosa-and-jalapa.html" target="_blank">widespread resistance to the mine</a> and a 2013 referendum where the community of San Juan Bosco overwhelmingly rejected the presence of the mine, MARN approved the initial assessment in December 2014, putting Tahoe is one step closer to constructing its second mine in the area. Its flagship Escobal project in neighboring San Rafael las Flores began commercial production in January 2014.<br />
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about the impact the Escobal project is having on the local water supply motivated people from San Juan Bosco and surrounding communities to
take legal action to prevent the company's expansion. A preliminary injunction filed by the </span><span style="text-align: start;"><span style="text-align: start;">Center for Environmental Legal Action (CALAS) </span>against MARN </span><span style="text-align: start;"><span style="text-align: start;">was recently accepted by a Guatemala judge. The complaint centers on the fact that the Juan Bosco </span>EAI is for a low impact project, which is inappropriate for a mining project. The positive decision by the judge means that the approval of the EAI has been temporarily suspended. Nevertheless,
community members report that the company continues to purchase land in
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<span style="text-align: start;">"They call us terrorists. They say our demonstrations are violent. But look around. We're here, peacefully demanding that MARN stop authorizing these EIAs. We're talking about our land. This isn't just our struggle - it should be everyone's," said one community member from San Juan Bosco at the protest outside of MARN. </span></div>
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<span style="text-align: start;">In 2012, CALAS also filed a complaint for contamination of the Escobal Creek and the El Dorado River, located near the community of Los Planes, just steps from Tahoe’s project. The alleged offense occurred while the project was still in the exploration phase. In April of this year, Tahoe's administrative manager for its Guatemalan subsidiary, <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/04/tahoe-resources-administrative-manager.html" target="_blank">Carlos Roberto Morales Monzón, was indicted by a Guatemala judge on charges of industrial contamination</a> and sent to pretrial detention. He was released on bail several weeks later, but remains under house arrest awaiting trial.</span></div>
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<span style="text-align: start;">The charges in this case were recently backed by a report published by the MadreSelva Collective, an environmental organization that has been monitoring water quality at six points located up and down river from the Escobal mine for the past three years. The report concludes that the monitoring point closest to the mine on the Escobal Creek is the site of water discharges from underground mine operations and contains high concentrations of chemical elements and potentially toxic metals, which present serious implications for the health of residents, their crops and animals. It also documents the drying up of at least 18 wells in communities within the municipality of San Rafael las Flores, were the mine is located. </span></div>
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Those gathered outside MARN also highlighted the 250 complaints related to concerns over water that were filed against the Escobal project before the Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM) granted the exploitation license. Even thought Guatemalan law states that all complaints must be resolved before the exploitation license can be granted, all 250 were dismissed the day the license was granted. <a href="http://www.miningwatch.ca/news/guatemalan-complainants-celebrate-effective-suspension-tahoe-resources-licence" target="_blank">A lawsuit is pending</a> in Guatemala’s Constitutional Court for lack of due process in this regard, which has raised questions about the legality of Tahoe’s exploitation license.</div>
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"We already see the negative impacts of the Escobal mine," says one community member from San Rafael las Flores. He works digging wells in the community and surrounding areas for potable water. "Since Escobal started operating, we're seeing these wells dry up.... Enough is enough. It's time that the government and company stop intimidating the people in San Rafael las Flores and the surrounding areas for standing up against the mine.” he says.</div>
NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-20412218839582263382015-06-11T14:18:00.000-07:002015-06-11T14:18:13.336-07:00Accompanier Perspectives: IxcánSince the mid-1990s, members of the NISGUA network have provided a physical international presence to threatened human rights defenders and communities in the Ixcán.<br />
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We invite you to read the following reflection piece from one of our current accompaniers, Kayla Myers, about the violence of the past and the ongoing imposition of megadevelopment projects in the area. For more information about accompaniment, please read <a href="http://nisgua.org/r83.pdf" target="_blank">"The Power of Presence."</a><br />
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<span style="text-align: justify;">The river Chixoy, which runs from the south of Guatemala all the way up into Mexico, is the life that runs through both the geography of the region and the continued struggles that define our work there. The Cobán-Ixcán region is in the extreme north of Guatemala next to the Mexican border. Cobán is the municipality located on the East side of the river Chixoy. Uspantán. On the West side of the river and in the extreme Northern region is the Ixcán, which is where we will also be working. Surrounding these municipalities are many smaller communities connected often only by foot-trails through the jungle, pickups and small buses, or boats along the Chixoy. </span></div>
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<span style="text-align: start;">Many communities in this region were victimized by the Guatemalan military during the armed conflict. For example, in 1982, a pueblo in the north of the Ixcán suffered the largest massacre in the history of Guatemala. On March 14th of that year the army arrived in this pueblo corralling the people into the town marketplace with gunfire, and on the 15th the army burned the Evangelical Church with people trapped inside. On that day, 324 Guatemalans were mass murdered. This history is not a forgotten page, this particular massacre only occurred 33 years ago, and its repercussions still echo into the present and future of this region.</span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Burial of massacre victims in the Ixcán region, 1996.<br />
Photo credit: S. José Rio Negro, <span style="font-family: 'Open Sans'; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">© </span>A. Huet,<br />
<span style="font-family: 'Open Sans'; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">Center for Independent Media </span></td></tr>
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The reason given for the massacre was that the towns-people "supported the guerrilla movement." This was often the reason given during the time of internal armed conflict, a reason masking genocidal and economic motives. It was considered a genocide as Mayan villages were targeted and 84% of those killed or disappeared during the conflict were Indigenous Mayan Peoples. Economic motives are seen in the fact that the government planned the Xalalá hydroelectric project, a dam that will stop the Chixoy river and be used to generate electricity, in the 1970's. Their plan was inhibited, in party, by the presence of communities along the river. The project was paused during the time of massacres and re-vamped in 2004 as a top national priority. After the conflict, the survivors in Cobán-Ixcán were vulnerable from the loss of family, community and land and this vulnerability is now being exploited to gain access to their land and the Chixoy River for the benefit of multi-national companies and the elite class of Guatemala.<br />
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Yet, hydroelectric projects do mean clean energy and development in a place isolated and beneath the shadow of extreme poverty. Several questions arise:<br />
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<b>"Question:"</b> Why don't they want clean energy and development?<br />
<b>"Response:"</b> If the Xalalá dam is built, over 50 communities around the Chixoy River will be either flooded or completely deprived access to water.<br />
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<b>"Q:"</b> What about relocation and compensation?<br />
<b>"R:"</b> The Xalalá dam would be the second largest project in Guatemala next to the Chixoy hydroelectric project built in the 1980s. Those forcibly evicted from their homes and land at that time are still awaiting compensation.<br />
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<b>"Q:"</b> What about the trickle down affect of development projects, won't they benefit in the long run?<br />
<b>"R:"</b> The Xalalá project will create energy to be exported, not to be used locally. Those who benefit will be the elite who partner with international companies.<br />
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These questions are usually the first to arrive in the minds of people from the Global North, but the implications of damming this river go far deeper than questions of logistics and money.<br />
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The Indigenous Mayan peoples are the majority of the population in Guatemala with a culture and tradition alive as the river. The languages spoken in Cobán-Ixcán are principally Q’eqchi, Quiche’, Mam, and Spanish. The Mayan Cosmovision, or view of the world, emphasizes real connection to the Earth and the resources that are life for the Mayan peoples. The river is life, a life under threat.<br />
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Indigenous Communities say NO to the Xalalá Hydroelectric <br />
project. Photo credit: NISGUA</td></tr>
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There has been no justice for the communities that survived massacres in this region during the armed conflict, instead there is continued tension and re-traumatization. This does not mean that they have given up, on the contrary, the tide for justice in Cobán-Ixcán flows strong. As an example, here is a time-line of their struggle against the Xalalá hydroelectric project:<br />
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<li>2007 and 2010 – good-faith community consultations are held in Ixcán and Uspantán respectively. Over 18,000 community members, 90% of the population in the region, said NO to the project in these organized votes.</li>
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<li>2008 - the community consultations, which are legal under International Laws of which Guatemala is a signatory, were ignored by the government and INDE started the project and began looking for investors.</li>
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<li>2008-2013 – the Xalalá hydroelectric project is stalled by lack of investors due in part to the awareness raised by communities.</li>
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<li>November 2013 - a contract was signed by the Brazilian Company Intertechne Consultores SA to carry out the feasibility studies necessary for dam construction.</li>
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<li>April 2014 - the communities filed a injunction against contract in the Constitutional Court of Guatemala for illegality and irregularities.</li>
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<li>December 2014 – the National Electrification Institute (INDE) cancels the contract with Intertechne and declares that Xalalá is no longer a top national priority. The Constitutional Court has yet to give their decision on the legality of the contract and the people are suspicious of INDE's change in tactics.</li>
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INDE has been using any tactic available to weaken the resistance of the local peoples to the project. They attempt to buy out local leaders, seize land in any way they can, start community strife to divide peoples, and offer much needed resources only in return for support of the project. They are even suspected of flying helicopters over these post-conflict communities to scare them into submission.<br />
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That is a part of the complex history of this region of Guatemala, so how does that translate to our work? As international human rights accompaniers in this region, my partner and I will provide moral support and a dissuasive presence to the communities and individuals who survived massacres as well as support individuals and organizations struggling against the Xalalá hydroelectric project.<br />
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Three of several of the organizations we partner with are:<br />
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1. AJR- the Association for Justice and Reconciliation- created by Guatemalan survivors and refugees to bring cases from the armed conflict to trial<br />
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2. ACODET - the Association of Communities for the Development of the Defense of Land and Natural Resources - communities in the area organized to resist the Xalalá hydroelectric project<br />
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3. Puentes de Paz- Bridges of Peace- they work in the region on several community support projects<br />
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They say that this region is the region of walking. From community to community we pack along our belongings and our notebooks, ready to listen to the voices of these powerful defenders and survivors, ready to share information globally to break the ugly silence and isolation in which oppression and violence thrive. I am so ready to learn from the undercurrent of strength that has sustained these people in their struggle, a struggle for the preservation of life, land, and water. In a world being drained of our human connection to nature, this is a struggle we all face together. The implications of their work and survival will be felt through Guatemala and through our global struggle for natural resources and human rights.<br />
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Thank you for reading this reflection, for taking time on your path to connect with me and with the people of Guatemala. Please check out <a href="http://www.nisgua.org/">www.nisgua.org</a> for updates. <br />
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In Solidarity,<br />
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Kayla Myers<br />
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-14324723986539562572015-06-11T12:46:00.003-07:002015-06-11T12:46:51.356-07:00Victory for communities threatened by the Xalalá dam: Contract for feasibility studies canceled <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/11/reflections-on-rivers-for-life-cultural.html">NISGUA's 2014 Rivers for Life speaking tour featured ACODET, </a>an association made up of more than 50 communities whose livelihoods and culture are threatened by the possible construction of the Xalalá dam. During the tour we mobilized our grassroots base to stand in solidarity with impacted communities by calling for the cancellation of the geological feasibility study - a necessary precursor to the dam's construction. The granting of the feasibility study to Brazilian company Intertechne Consultores S.A. was fraught with anomalies and a lack of consultation with indigenous communities. <div>
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We are excited to report that earlier this month, the National Electrification Institute (INDE) announced that the contract was terminated in December 2014! This explains why the Xalalá project, declared a national priority by President Otto Perez Molina in 2012, was publicly <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/03/uncertainty-around-xalala-hydroelectric.html">removed from the national agenda at the same time.</a> It remains unclear why INDE took months to announce that the contract had been revoked. </div>
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INDE announced that the revocation of the $4.9 million contract with Intertechne S.A. for the Xalalá geological feasibility studies was due to the company's failure to fulfill the requirements. MEM and INDE also reported that they will request Intertechne to return the $1.4 million advance given for the project, which was double the percentage companies are typically given as an advance for similar work. </div>
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As a result of this scandal, and <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/05/a-corruption-scandal-new-vice-president.html">others that have rocked the government since April</a>, high-level officials from the National Electrification Institutes (INDE), the Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM) and the Ministry of the Environment (MARN) have been forced to resign. Erik Archila, former head of MEM was part of the mass resignation of cabinet members on May 15th, and is also facing multiple allegations of corruption in other cases related to the granting of illegal contracts. </div>
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The communities threatened by the Xalalá dam have taken action to <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/01/xalala-geological-feasibility-studies.html">denounce the lack of transparency and illegality of the agreement signed with Intertechne in November 2013 </a>ever since learning about the contract in January 2014. At the request of communities, the General Comptroller's Office (CGC) <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/04/accusations-of-anomalies-and-corruption.html">carried out a hearing with the Congressional Integrity Commission</a> in April 2014 to present the numerous irregularities and allegations of corruption in this and other license granting processes. In June 2014, ancestral authorities from the region presented an injunction against INDE for irregularities and the lack of consultation with communities. </div>
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“By canceling the geological studies contract [for the Xalalá dam project], INDE is attempting to distance itself from the illegal acts committed by signing the contract with the Brazilian company Intertechne Consultores S.A., possibly to cover up corruption, justify costs already incurred and evade penal prosecution of those responsible.” <i>Press release from communities threatened by the Xalalá dam, May 4, 2015</i> </div>
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Today we can celebrate this victory while continuing to demand investigation into contracts that benefit transnational companies at the expense of local peoples and blatantly disregard legitimate community decision-making processes that have rejected these types of megaprojects.<br />
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-64068539070983269742015-05-18T10:39:00.002-07:002015-05-21T11:01:36.271-07:00A corruption scandal, a new Vice President and the largest mass mobilization in Guatemala’s recent history<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Tens of thousands gather in Guatemala's central park to demand an end to impunity <br />
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A crime ring that defrauded the Guatemalan national tax collection agency (SAT) and customs office, and implicated high-level authorities in different government institutions all the way up to Vice President Roxana Baldetti’s private secretary, was dismantled on April 16th with the arrests of 22 people. Guatemala’s Public Prosecutor’s Office and the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) carried out the joint investigation, which immediately sparked massive and ongoing public protest and political crisis. The VP’s private secretary, Juan Carlos Monzón Rojas, is still at large.</div>
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While the investigation into the criminal network known as “La Linea”, has yet to explicitly name Vice President Baldetti, suspicions of her involvement in criminal activity were immediately raised after the arrest warrant for Monzón was issued while he was traveling with the VP in South Korea. Baldetti lied publically about her return to Guatemala from said trip and Monzón has been on the run ever since. On May 8th, after popular protests the size of which had not been seen in recent Guatemalan history and pressure from the powerful economic sector CACIF, Vice President Baldetti resigned. With resignation also comes the end of immunity for Baldetti, opening the doors to a full investigation into her involvement in the corruption case. </div>
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The layers of corruption exposed by this investigation continue to unfold and have resulted in the arrest of three lawyers representing members of “La Linea” who are accused of influencing judicial authorities in order to guarantee impunity for their clients. For more information and analysis, see <i>InSight Crime</i> article <a href="http://www.insightcrime.org/news-briefs/guatemala-corruption-scandal-leads-investigators-to-judicial-corruption" target="_blank"> “Guatemala Corruption Scandal Leads Investigators to Judicial Corruption”</a> or from <i>The Guardian</i>, <a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/14/guatemala-brink-crisis-vice-president-corruption-scandal" target="_blank">“Guatemala on brink of crisis after vice-president falls to corruption scandal”.</a></div>
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Reverberations of the “La Linea” corruption scandal have also been felt in other cases, including the April 30th request by the CICIG and Guatemalan Public Prosecutor’s office to withdraw Judge Carol Patricia Flores’ immunity from prosecution. <a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2014/12/the-countdown-to-january-5th-2015.html" target="_blank">Flores, whose rulings led to the current quagmire of Guatemala’s genocide case</a> against Efraín Ríos Montt and José Mauricio Rodríguez Sánchez, is being investigated for money laundering, illicit enrichment and other crimes. Also caught up in the fallout of the current political crisis is head of the Ministry of Energy and Mines, Erick Archila, who resigned on May 15th. Archila is facing allegations of corruption, money laundering and anomalies in the granting of government contracts and is under investigation for his handling of<a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.com/2015/03/uncertainty-around-xalala-hydroelectric.html" target="_blank"> contracts for the proposed Xalalá dam project</a>. </div>
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Guatemala's new Vice President: An old face from the extreme right</h3>
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A little over a month after the scandal broke, Guatemala now has a new Vice President. President Pérez Molina, tasked with submitting a slate of three candidates to Congress, struggled to put together his list after two proposed candidates withdrew. In the end, Héctor Alejandro Baltazar Maldonado Aguirre was the last candidate to be added to the list and was approved by Congress. Maldonado Aguirre is not a new figure in Guatemalan politics, rather has a long history of representing the extreme right – a founder of the Movimiento de Liberación Nacional or the National Liberation Movement (MLN), a political party known for promoting organized violence and death squadrons during the 1960s-70s.</div>
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From there, Maldonado Aguirre went on to serve as the Guatemalan representative to the United Nations during the military government of Romeo Lucas García during which time the Guatemalan government worked hard to convince the international community that it was not participating in massive human rights violations. Maldonado Aguirre was later the Minister of Education during the military government of Carlos Arana Osorio and ran for president in 1982 as a candidate for the National Renewal Party, a slightly less extreme version of the MLN. He was finally elected as a member of the Constitutional Court in 1986-1991, returning again to the position in 2006 and reelected to the Court by Congress once more in 2011. </div>
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According to <a href="http://cmiguate.org/maldonado-aguirre-la-tercera-es-la-vencida/" target="_blank">Gustavo Illescas of Guatemalan Independent Media (CMI-G)</a>, “Thanks to his discursive capacity to present the ideas of the extreme right in a moderate way, Maldonado Aguirre has been called upon in various moments of his life to deflect the tensions that have been provoked by the violent actions of the State and during the political crises that develop as a result.” </div>
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In Guatemala, these violent actions and political crises have often revolved around crimes committed during the internal armed conflict and the unwavering effort to bring those responsible to justice. Examples of Maldonado Aguirre's role as a “Fire extinguisher of Justice” are outlined in <a href="http://cmiguate.org/maldonado-aguirre-la-tercera-es-la-vencida/" target="_blank">an article by CMI-G</a> and include: delaying investigations for one year in the case for the 1998 murder of Archbishop Gerardi in order to protect Byron Lima Oliva, a member of the Presidential General Staff (EMP, Estado Mayor Presidential) and authoring the judicial resolution that allowed former General Efraín Ríos Montt to avoid extradition to Spain where he would have been tried for genocide and terrorism. </div>
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After being reelected to the Constitutional Court again in 2011, Maldonado Aguirre played a key role in yet three more extremely controversial decisions, decisions that have had very real consequences on access to justice and the future of judicial independence in the country. First, voting to annul the historic genocide sentence in May 2013 and one year later, voting for the early removal of Attorney General Claudia Paz y Paz from her position. Finally in November 2014, Maldonado Aguirre voted to approve a judicial nomination process that was plagued with anomalies, in which both the CICIG and the US Embassy expressed serious concern about the trafficking of influences and the impartiality of the process. </div>
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“Maldonado resolves crisis for the right. This is his trump card. In order to have been chosen [as Vice President] he had to have the approval of the US Embassy and of CACIF, and even though it means conservative groups are left without an important player inside the Constitutional Court, he will play an important role in the coming months of this crisis. It is doubtful, however, that this decision will be enough to deflate the protests programmed in various parts of the country for Saturday the 16th or to diminish the feeling of indignation that is blooming toward #OtraGuatemalaYa - #AnotherGuatemalaNow.” Gustavo Illescas, CMI-G.</div>
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A new Guatemalan Spring? </h3>
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The series of protests sparked by the corruption scandal have been a spontaneous and massive expression of frustration in the capital and other parts of the country. Prior to the #RenunciaYa (Resignation Now) protests, the largest scale protests in recent years have been undertaken by indigenous and campesino groups and have lacked participation from the urban population. The first protest on April 25th took place in Guatemala City immediately following the announcement of the “La Linea” arrests, and it was estimated that between 15-25,000 people participated. This action was quickly followed by #RenunciaYa demands added to the traditional May Day marches, with another protest following on May 2nd. </div>
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" lang="en">
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Sundown approaching and <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Guatemala?src=hash">#Guatemala</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RenunciaYa?src=hash">#RenunciaYa</a> protestors continue to arrive <a href="http://t.co/JeH4KG8h2e">pic.twitter.com/JeH4KG8h2e</a></div>
— NISGUA (@NISGUA_Guate) <a href="https://twitter.com/NISGUA_Guate/status/599725102737989632">May 16, 2015</a></blockquote>
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The protest on Saturday, May 16th, was the largest popular protest in recent Guatemala history, with estimates ranging between 30-50,000 people in the capital alone. Protests also took place in at least 15 other Guatemalan cities, with reports of numerous international protests by the Guatemalan diaspora. These leaderless, popular protests have been compared to those of the “Guatemalan Spring”; massive popular mobilizations that took place during the resignations of military dictator Jorge Ubico and the subsequent de facto military government, and led to Guatemala’s first democratically elected governments of Juan José Arevalo and Jacobo Guzman Arbenz. </div>
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It remains to be seen where the current wave of mobilization will land given the diversity of participation and demands, which range from accountability for corruption to total transformation of the political system of the country. What we know is that for the first in recent history, a wide swath of sectors that include business, academic and student, indigenous and campesino, human rights groups, as well as unaffiliated urban youth and citizenry, have come together to express outrage and desire for change. <a href="http://cmiguate.org/maldonado-aguirre-la-tercera-es-la-vencida/" target="_blank">With information from Gustavo Illescas and Guatemala Independent Media (CMI-G)</a></div>
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Click here for <a href="http://cpr-urbana.blogspot.com/2015/05/foto-reporte-16m-parte-i.html">more photos </a>or <a href="http://www.reuters.com/video/2015/05/17/thousands-turn-out-for-anti-government-p?videoId=364253586" target="_blank">here for a video</a> from the May 16th protest.<br />
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<b>UPDATES: </b><b> </b></h3>
<b>May 20: Former private secretary to President Molina arrested in separate corruption scandal</b><br />
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In another joint CICIG/Public Prosecutor corruption
investigation unveiled another scandal involving the national health
system (IGSS in Spanish). So far, 17 high level functionaries, including
the President of IGSS Juan de Dios Rodríguez, have been arrested.
Rodríguez was Otto Peréz Molina's private secretary until the President
nominated him to the IGSS position in 2013. </div>
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Also
arrested was the President of Guatemala's National Bank, Julio Roberto
Suárez Guerra. Those implicated are believed to have defrauded the
national health system of 116 million Quetzals, or roughly 15 million
dollars through the granting of illegal contracts for treatments related
to liver failure. The fraud ring is accused of negligence in the death
of at least seven patients, according to complaints filed by Guatemala's
Human Rights Ombudsman. </div>
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<b>May 21: Minister of the Interior, Mauricio López Bonilla resigns</b><br />
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One of President Otto Peréz Molina's most trusted cabinet members, Minister of the Interior, Mauricio López Bonilla, resigned this morning. Four additional members of the President's cabinet have also resigned, including Vice Minister of the Interior, Edy Juárez; the Minister of the Environment, Michelle Martínez; and the head of the Strategic Intelligence office, Ulises Anzueto (previously Peréz Molina's Minister of Defense), and the recently named Minister of Energy and Mines. </div>
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Bonilla, unike President Molina, has not been the specific target of calls for resignation, nor has he been so far connected to the numerous corruption scandals uncovered by the joint CICIG/Public Prosecutor investigations. His abrupt departure raises questions about the reasons behind the decision and what his future role may be in an increasingly uncertain political context moving toward national elections later this year. </div>
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-59834385374185417012015-05-14T14:59:00.000-07:002015-05-20T12:22:58.248-07:00Take action to support political prisoners from Barillas!<b>UPDATE: On May 15 a court in Huehuetenango unanimously resolved not to ratify the 33-years and 4-month sentence against Saúl Méndez and Rogelio Velásquez.</b> The decision is the result of a special appealed filed on behalf of the community leaders from Santa Cruz Barillas. <b>Their case will be re-tried</b> in a Quetzaltenango court. The decision is seen as the first step in correcting a legal process filled with errors and irregularities. <br />
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Saúl and Rogelio still need your support! <b><a href="http://presospoliticosyr.blogspot.com.es/p/blog-page.html" target="_blank">Click here to sign the online petition</a></b>
demanding their freedom! <br />
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An English translation of the petition text is below.<br />
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<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPGluc_loUoacd0xsLku6PCMjVR5I7aMdmrfjRmDsDV-SafBD5pEttGv2yzJ8pWbqsRAdirT_LHXiZwVhQRlggYcm7-FVi3Cs5asWUjwnjl7H4frkyydckhDQve39ro_aFllIfl-ANJaI/s1600/saul-y-rogelio.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhPGluc_loUoacd0xsLku6PCMjVR5I7aMdmrfjRmDsDV-SafBD5pEttGv2yzJ8pWbqsRAdirT_LHXiZwVhQRlggYcm7-FVi3Cs5asWUjwnjl7H4frkyydckhDQve39ro_aFllIfl-ANJaI/s320/saul-y-rogelio.jpg" width="320" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">Photo credit: Gustavo Illescas (CMI-Guatemala)</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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In the northern region of Guatemala, the Spanish transnational company HIDRALIA has dug its claws into the department of Huehuetenango. Exercising internationally and nationally guaranteed rights, the populations of the three municipalities in the north of Huehuetenango have carried out massive consultas (consultations) in which the citizens have have expressed their rejection of the exploitation of their natural resources by foreign companies. </div>
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Saúl Méndez and Rogelio Velásquez of Santa Cruz Barillas are prisoners unjustly. They have been persecuted by the company for years: In 2012, before being freed for lack of evidence, they spent eight months in preventative prison despite the fact the the legal maximum is three months. In a new case plagued with irregularities, they are currently in prison and sentenced to more than 33 years. </div>
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Led by ex-military Otto Pérez Molina, the Guatemalan government has ordered a multitude of detentions and arrest warrants that have been declared arbitrary by the UN, and has used all of its state power to the favor of transnational companies, using judicial and police power to incarcerate and persecute community leaders, reopening military bases, and ordering states of siege. </div>
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On April 29, 2015, another public hearing was held to resolve the appeals issued by the defense of Saúl and Rogelio. The result should be nothing less than complete absolution and reparations for damages suffered. We likewise demand that all prisoners who are unjustly held in preventive prison as a consequence of their opposition to the company's planned projects be granted freedom.<br />
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Today more than ever, solidarity between peoples should be more than endearment. It should be consciousness, commitment, and struggle. </div>
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Sign in solidarity with the political prisoners of Barillas. In solidarity with their families. In solidarity with the people that raise their voices to say "ENOUGH."</div>
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<b>Petition: </b></div>
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We demand freedom for Saúl Méndez and Rogelio Velazques, political prisoners from Santa Cruz Barillas, Huehuetenango, Guatemala, community leaders in the defense of land and territory. In a case plagued with irregularities, Mendez y Velázques have been condemned to 33 years and four months in prison for opposing the projects of the hydroelectric company Hidro Santa Cruz S.A., subsidiary of the Spanish Hidralia Energía S.A. </div>
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We likewise demand that all prisoners who are unjustly held in preventive prison as a consequence of their opposition to the company's planned projects be granted freedom. Guatemalan state institutions are acting in favor of Hidro Santa Cruz S.A.<br />
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Name:<br />
*National ID number (Passport, SSN, etc):<br />
Locale: (City, State, United States)<br />
Signature: Just your name again<br />
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*ID number not required<br />
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NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4379338190088310830.post-84250406362938329332015-05-14T05:06:00.001-07:002015-05-20T12:40:40.895-07:00Community leader from Huehuetenango testifies at the World BankLast month, Cecilia Mérida testified at the World Bank Spring Meetings in Washington, D.C. about the damage being inflicted by the Bank's financing of the Cambalam hydroelectric dam in the municipality of Barillas, Huehuetenango. She testified to the strategies of criminalization being employed by the Guatemalan government and the dam's Spanish owner - Hidro Santa Cruz - in an attempt to silence local opposition. She spoke first hand about the impacts on families and communities when leaders are illegally detained and imprisoned for months, or even years on end.<br />
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The World Bank continues to be a major funder of resource extraction companies around the world, loaning hundreds of millions of dollars each year to companies working in the global South who are unable to guarantee that these investments are not contributing to human rights violations. <a href="http://fusion.net/story/121563/how-the-world-bank-broke-its-promise-to-protect-the-poor/">A recent investigation</a> by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists revealed the hypocrisy of the World Bank's motto to "do no harm." The investigation showed that mega-development projects financed by the World Bank have pushed at least 3.4 million people out of their homes around the world. The tragic situation in Santa Cruz Barillas is an example of this systemic problem: the Inter-American Infrastructure Finance Corporation (CIFI), a US-based private sector lender funded in part by the World Bank, loaned Hidro Santa Cruz more than $8 million for the construction of dam.</div>
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<a href="http://nisgua.blogspot.ca/2015/04/two-more-human-rights-defenders-from.html" target="_blank">Click here</a> to read more about the struggle to defend territory in the department of Huehuetenango, and the leaders who have been criminalized while speaking out against hydroelectric dams being imposed without their consent. </div>
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Below is Cecilia's statement before the World Bank. To read the original statement in Spanish, <a href="http://cmiguate.org/caso-hidro-santa-cruz-ante-el-banco-mundial/" target="_blank">click here</a>.</div>
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Cecilia Mérida: Statement before the World Bank</h4>
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I am Cecilia Mérida. I come from the department of Huehuetenango in Guatemala, from the municipality of Santa Cruz Barillas, which is where the Spanish company Hidralia Ecoener has been operating without consent since 2008. Their goal is to construct a hydroelectric dam on the Cambalan River, situated on the periphery of the urban center of the municipality. This company has received financing that flows from the World Bank to the International Finance Corporation (IFC), and its Inter-American Infrastructure Finance Corporation (CIFI).<br />
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I come in the name of each person affected by this hydroelectric project, to answer many of the questions put forward by OXFAM. What are the consequences for the people who are affected by the projects financed with money that comes from so far away?<br />
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Hidralia Ecoener, registered in Guatemala as Hidro Santa Cruz, Sociedad Anónima, insisted on the development of this project despite the fact that in 2007, the people of Barillas held a community consultation to protect their natural resources, under the framework of the Collective Rights of Indigenous Peoples.<br />
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The company hired local people as technicians gaining political control over community organizing. In November 2009, the company pressed charges against eight community leaders, among who was my life partner - Rubén Herrera - along with Pablo Antonio Pablo and Saúl Mendez. Thus began the practice of charging community leaders in the municipality with crimes of breaking and entering, coercion, threats, aggravated arson, activity against the security of the nation, detention, kidnapping, and terrorism.<br />
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This led to the beginning of the social conflict in the municipality, and the permanent violation of the human rights of the population. What transpired were incidents of intimidation, persecution and criminalization against all of those who spoke out against the interests of Hidro Santa Cruz. In 2011, Rúben Herrera was forced to leave the municipality, abandoning his work providing social support to youth.<br />
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Towards the end of 2011 and the beginning of 2012, social tension worsened to such a level that the Guatemalan government declared a State of Siege in the municipality of Santa Cruz Barillas, repressing the opposition to the hydroelectric project and allowing Hidro Santa Cruz to continue its operations. On May 1, 2012, campesino leader Andrés Francisco Miguel was killed during an assassination attempt against Pablo Antonio Pablo, who was left seriously injured in the attack. One year later, company private security guards who participated in this armed attack, were absolved of all crimes by the Guatemalan justice system.<br />
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Based on what transpired on May 1, 2012, 17 community leaders were illegally detained, including Saúl Méndez and Rogelio Velásquez. Nine were unjustly imprisoned for nine months, and were never found guilty of any crime. On March 15, 2013, Rubén Herrera was arrested at the request of Hidro Santa Cruz. After spending three months in prison, he finally had all charges dropped on February 26, 2014, after a judge ruled that there was not sufficient evidence to keep the investigation open.<br />
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In August 2013, Saúl Méndez and Rogelio Velásquez were arrested again, and accused of murder, feminicide and lynching. Those of us who are at their defense are convinced that this case was brought forward by employees of Hidro Santa Cruz as a part of their strategy to criminalize community leadership. After a flawed trial, they were convicted of 33 years in prison. Today, they are going through a Special Appeals process.<br />
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In September 2013, another community member, Mynor López was illegally arrested. At the end of the month, the Guatemalan Army and National Civil Police practically launched a military offensive against the civilian population of Santa Cruz Barillas, the likes of which have never been seen before in this municipality - not even during the armed conflict.<br />
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In February 2015, three more community leaders were detained and illegally imprisoned. Adalberto Villatoro, Francisco Juan and Arturo Pablo (Pablo Antonio Pablo's son). They, like all of the others previously mentioned, believed that the presence of Hidro Santa Cruz seriously impacts the natural, environmental and cultural aspects of the municipality.<br />
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After seven years of persecution, the ways the Spanish company Hidro Santa Cruz operates provide some answers to the questions posed by <a href="https://www.oxfam.org/sites/www.oxfam.org/files/file_attachments/ib-suffering-of-others-international-finance-corporation-020415-en.pdf">OXFAM's recent report</a>. What are the human costs of the loans, given the social and environmental safeguards are not working? The human costs are extremely high and very harmful. They translate into persecution, killings, imprisonment, and criminalization. During this time, the communities have not seen any benefits. Instead, they have gone from living in tranquility to living in a state of fear and terror. Our human potential and energy has not been dedicated towards local development from our own perspectives and aspirations, but instead, has been spent defending ourselves against the abuses of Hidro Santa Cruz.<br />
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The human costs [of these loans for mega-development projects] translate into the suffering of families, wives, sons and daughters, into illnesses and precariousness. We are prevented from being with our husbands. Instead, we spend our lives and the little we have traveling to the prison that is located more than 400 kilometers away. In this conflict, every community member [incarcerated] is innocent. We are the people who are suffering the consequences of bank loans that are thought to be "producing development." The pain and suffering for us "is the human face of these projects." Day to day, we live out these tangible consequences, in addition to being (as OXFAM's report indicates) "the most poor and vulnerable people of the developing countries."<br />
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We, too, have questions. Who is going to pay for all of the costs that we have had to suffer from "development," for a project that we never asked for in our community? Is it the World Bank? The International Finance Corporation? The CIFI? Or is it Hidro Santa Cruz that is going to pay for all of the economic, social and organizational harms they have caused in our community? Who will return to the families all the years taken from the men who have been incarcerated? We know that no one will give back to us those who have been killed.</div>
NISGUA - Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemalahttp://www.blogger.com/profile/07328159675838516944noreply@blogger.com0