Sentencia en Caso Lisandro Guarcax

 Afiche del Tu Corazon Florece festival

El viernes 10 de febrero 2012, la corte de primera instancia emitió una sentencia en el caso de Lisandro Guarcax y 32 otras víctimas. La corte encontró los acusados responsables de los delitos y crimines de asesinato y secuestro; las sentencias extendieron de 100 -376 años. En el caso personal de Lisandro, los jueces ordenaron que sus padres recibieran resarcimiento por el sufrimiento y que la municipalidad donde vivió Lisandro creara un homenaje publico.

NISGUA aplauda la sentencia en este caso. De nuestros corazones esperamos un mundo justo en lo cual Lisandro y tantos otros no serán robados de nosotros y, en sus nombres, reafirmamos nuestra compromiso de trabajar siempre hacia la justicia.

Lisandro Guarcax era un visionario, artista, maestro, y miembro fundador del Grupo Sotz'il. Él fue secuestrado, torturado, y asesinado el 25 de agosto de 2010. Su muerte produjo una gran reacción nacional e internacional. 

Campo Pago coordinado por NISGUA en respuesta al asesinato de Lisandro. Lee más aquí.

Verdict in Lisandro Guarcax case

Poster for Tu Corazon Florece (Your Heart Flourishes) festival

On Friday, February 10, 2012, a verdict was issued in the case of Lisandro Guarcax and 32 other victims.  The accused were found guilty of charges of murder and kidnapping and given sentences ranging from 100-376 years.  In the case of Lisandro, the judges ordered that his parents be compensated for their suffering and that the municipality where he lived provide a public memorial.

NISGUA applauds the verdict in this case.  In our hearts we long for a just world in which Lisandro and so many others are no longer taken from us and in their names we recommit to working towards  justice.

Lisandro Guarcax was a visionary artist, teacher and founding member of Grupo Sotz'il.  He was kidnapped, murdered and tortured on August 25, 2010.  His death provoked a widespread national and international response.

NISGUA paid ad campaign in reponse to Lisandro's death.  Read more here.

Aumento voluntario de regalías cuestionado

El 26 de enero, 2011, tras negociaciones sostenidas entre el gobierno de Guatemala y la Gremial de Industrias Extractivas -GREMIEXT-, ente que aglutina, entre otros, a las empresas extractivas de minerales operantes en el país, fue acordado un aumento voluntario de las regalías a pagar por éstas al Estado guatemalteco conforme la clase de mineral extraído.

Según un comunicado publicado en el portal del Ministerio de Energía y Minas -MEM-, "El convenio suscrito entre el Gobierno de la República y la Cámara de Industria de Guatemala, que agrupa a la Gremial de Industrias Extractivas (GREMIEXT), permitirá que las regalías generadas por la actividad minera de metales no preciosos se incremente del 1 al 3 por ciento, mientras que la de metales preciosos (oro y plata), se incrementen al 4 por ciento. Las regalías de Montana Exploradora, por venta bruta del oro y plata, se fijó en 5 por ciento".  El comunicado explica que la medida se mantendrá vigente hasta el Congreso apruebe una nueva ley minera.  Asimismo, da a conocer que el convenio entrará de forma automática en caducidad con la caída de los precios de minerales a determinados valores: en el caso de oro, si cae por debajo de US$975.00 la onza.

Un comunicado publicado en el portal de la minera canadiense Goldcorp, Inc., profundiza en los términos del nuevo régimen tributario, dando a conocer que "Bajo los términos del acuerdo, la regalía sobre metales preciosos se incrementará del 1% al 4% de los ingresos brutos.  Estas regalías adicionales serán calculadas, pagadas y distribuidas de la misma manera que la regalía fijada en la Ley Minera de Guatemala.  Esto incluye la estipulación de que el 50% del total de la regalía será pagada directamente al municipio en donde ocurra la extracción minera.  Además, Marlin ha acordado pagar una regalía voluntaria adicional del 1%, con el 80% de esta regalía adicional utilizándose para implementar los planes de desarrollo económico de los municipios de San Miguel Ixtahuacán y Sipacapa.  El 20% restante será pagado al Ministerio de Energía y Minas y el Ministerio de Ambiente y Recursos Naturales, para usarse en el desarrollo de las capacidades institucionales de estos ministerios".

Citado en el mismo comunicado, el presidente y director ejecutivo de Goldcorp, Chuck Jeannes, se mostró satisfecho con el convenio.  ""Este acuerdo en Guatemala representa un paso tremendo adelante para todos aquellos que tienen intereses (todos los "stakeholders") en la Mina Marlin"", refirió. ""Las ganancias mejoradas generadas por el nuevo acuerdo de regalías posibilitarán una inversión mayor en iniciativas de desarrollo comunitario en la región y fomentarán un andamiaje regulatorio fuerte y consistente"".

Inconformes con lo acordado, sin embargo, sectores sociales y religiosos han cuestionado el convenio alcanzado entre las empresas mineras y el gobierno guatemalteco, señalándolo de eludir el problema de fondo y de no tomar en cuenta el sentir de la población.  Refiriéndose a los mecanismos legales regulatorios de la actividad minera, en un artículo salido en la Prensa Libre, el Obispo de la Diócesis de San Marcos, Álvaro Ramazzini, declaró que "Debe haber una revisión de estas y establecer nuevos parámetros donde se respeten la vida y los recursos naturales" y que "El Presidente --Otto Pérez-- debe escuchar a las comunidades y a los ambientalistas y parar la explotación minera . . . no se tiene que dejar apantallar por el brillo del oro".  Citado en el mismo artículo publicado en la Prensa Libre, Rafael Maldonado, del Centro de Acción Legal Ambiental y Social -CALAS-, criticó la exclusión de los actores sociales en las negociaciones hacia el nuevo acuerdo, declarando que ""Eso solo justifica la desconfianza, porque se realiza a espaldas de la población"".

En una entrevista hecha por la revista en línea Plaza Pública al ex-titular del Ministerio de Ambiente y Recursos Naturales bajo el gobierno de Álvaro Colom, Luis Ferraté, éste se sumó a la crítica, diciendo que "Incluso subir las regalías de uno a dos, tres, cinco por ciento no tiene ningún impacto. La mina debe dar un 20 o 30 por ciento. Esta propuesta no la acepto porque es una forma de decir “estamos haciendo las cosas, mientras se haga la ley, mientras se haga tal cosa”, y ese “mientras” puede ser años, entonces no. Las poblaciones van a defender sus territorios".

Conocida por el Congreso en noviembre del 2010, sigue bajo discusión dentro de la Comisión de Trabajo de Energía y Minas de la legislatura una iniciativa de ley que no solamente aumentaría de forma permanente a un 50% de los ingresos de las mineras las regalías a ser pagadas por éstas (25% para los municipios afectados y 25% para el gobierno central) sino que además establecería una veda total contra la minería metálica a cielo abierto y exigiría el pleno cumplimiento del deber del Estado Guatemalteco de obtener el consentimiento libre, previo e informado de los pueblos indígenas antes de otorgar permisos para la explotación de recursos minerales en sus territorios.

Voluntary increase of royalties questioned

On January 26, 2011, following negotiations between the Guatemalan Government and the Union of Extractive Industries (GREMIEXT), a body which brings together, among others, the companies responsible for the exploitation of minerals in the country, an agreement was reached regarding a voluntary increase in royalties to be paid by these industries to the state according to the type of mineral extracted.

According to a communique published on the site of the Ministry of Energy and Mines (MEM), "The agreement signed by the government of the republic and the Chamber of Industry of Guatemala, which includes the Union of Extractive Industries (GREMIEXT), will allow for the royalties generated by the mining of non-precious metals to be raised from 1 to 3 percent, while those derived of the mining of precious metals (silver and gold) will be raised to 4 percent.  The royalties to be paid by Montana Exploradora, for the gross sale of gold and silver, was fixed at 5 percent."  The communique explains that the agreement will remain in effect until such time as a new mining law is approved by the Congress.  Likewise, it points out that the measure will automatically expire should the price of the minerals in question fall below certain values: in the case of gold, US$975.00 per ounce.

A communique published on the website of the Canadian mining company Goldcorp, Inc. details the terms of the new tax regimen, announcing that "Under the terms of the agreement, the royalty on precious metals will increase from 1% to 4% of gross revenue. These additional royalties will be calculated, paid, and distributed in the same manner as the royalty mandated by Guatemala's Mining Law. This includes the stipulation that 50% of the total royalty will be paid directly to the municipality in which the extraction of the mineral occurs.  In addition, Marlin has agreed to pay an additional 1% voluntary royalty, with 80% of this additional royalty to be used to implement the economic development plans of the Municipalities of San Miguel Ixtahuacán and Sipacapa. The remaining 20% will be paid to the Ministry of Energy and Mines and Ministry of Environment Natural Resources, to be used to develop the institutional capacity of those ministries."

Cited in the same communique, Goldcorp president and CEO Chuck Jeannes expressed his satisfaction with the measure.  ""This agreement in Guatemala represents a tremendous step forward for all stakeholders of the Marlin mine,"" he declared.  ""The enhanced revenues generated by the new royalty agreement will enable greater investment in community development initiatives in the region and foster a strong, consistent regulatory framework.""

Unsatisfied with the measure, however, social and religious sectors have questioned the agreement reached between the mining companies and the Guatemalan government, signalling that it skirts the root problem and does not take into account the opinion of the population.  Referring to the legal mechanisms regulating mining activity, the Bishop of the Diocese of San Marcos, Álvaro Ramazzini, declared that ""There needs to be a revision of these [laws] and establish parameters which respect life and natural resources,"" and that ""The president (Otto Pérez) should listen to the communities and the environmentalists and stop mining exploitation . . . he should not let himself be persuaded by gold's shine.""  Cited in the same Prensa Libre article, Rafael Maldonado of the Center for Environmental and Social Legal Action (CALAS) criticized the exclusion of social actors in the negotiations around the new agreement, declaring that ""That only justifies the mistrust, because it's happening behind the people's back.""

En an interview published by the online newspaper Plaza Pública, the former Minister of Energy and Mines under the government of Álvaro Colom, Luis Ferraté, added his voice to the critique, declaring that "Even raising the royalties from one to two, three, five percent has no impact.  The mine should give 20 or 30 percent.  I do not accept this proposal because it's a way of saying "we're doing something, while the law comes into being, while they do this or that," and this "while" can be years, so no.  The population is going to defend its territory."

Introduced to the Congress in November of 2010, a law initiative that would not only permanently raise to a total of 50% of company profits the royalties to be paid by mining companies (25% for the affected municipalities and 25% for the central government), but would also demand full compliance with the Guatemalan state's obligation to obtain the free, prior, informed consent of indigenous peoples before granting licenses for mineral exploitation in their territories, remains in discussion within the Energy and Mines Working Commission of the legislature.

"Our Struggle Has Become Reality": Former Dictator Rios Montt is Charged with Genocide

Thursday, January 26, 7:00 am, hundreds of community activists and human rights defenders gather outside Guatemala City’s national court to witness former dictator Efraín Rios Montt testify on the gross military atrocities and human rights violations that occurred during his de-facto presidency from 1982 to 1983.   In solidarity, thousands more both in Guatemala and internationally intently follow the live coverage broadcasted over social media sites.

For more than twelve hours that day, rural families, victims and survivors of the military’s merciless scorched earth campaign, stood alongside urban human rights activists as the trial was live-streamed into the plaza outside: the vibrant colors of traditional indigenous dress blending seamlessly with the vivid backdrop of urban graffiti of resistance. New generations joined the survivors in the plaza, demonstrating the breadth of political resistance that has persisted for more than thirty years, since the height of the internal armed conflict.  As the crowd waited, hip-hop followed Mayan prayers, which followed live poetry from the crowd.

One survivor stated, “What we want is to see justice because though [Rios Montt] may deny it, he was the one who organized and ordered our execution. We are here today to hear him testify about all that occurred in ’82. We are here for all of our family members who have disappeared.”  Ríos Montt maintained his right to remain silent in the court that day, but he was forced to listen to the accounts of human rights abuses committed in the highlands under his rule, and survivors finally had the opportunity to see him before a judge.

By 9:30pm Judge Carol Patricia Flores Blanco declared her verdict. 

Read full article as published in The Daily Censored

The General on trial

A personal reflection by Phil Neff, Guatemala Accompaniment Project Coordinator for NISGUA

A cold evening fog had fallen over the Plaza of Human Rights outside Guatemala City's Court Tower, where two hundred survivors of massacres perpetrated by the Guatemalan Army waited, exhausted and anxious, for Judge Patricia Flores to deliver the court's verdict—would former dictator Efraín Ríos Montt be charged with genocide? As Judge Flores called the courtroom to session in the tower above, techie activists in the plaza struggled to provide a clear audio and video feed for the crowd below. Though the nuances of her verdict were lost in echo and feedback, the fragments of words and phrases we did hear raised waves of hope; incomprehensible, almost unbelieving hope.

First, Judge Flores methodically affirmed key principles of humanitarian law drawn from the Geneva Conventions and the U.N. Genocide Convention, asserting Guatemala's constitutional obligation to abide by international law. Then, a series of firm, direct accusations, punctuated by the repeated emphasis of the formal direct address, “Usted”: “You, Señor Efraín Ríos Montt, had knowledge of military plans which had the objective of exterminating the civilian population.” “You, Señor Efraín Ríos Montt, were the Commander in Chief of the military and had knowledge of the execution of these plans.”

Efraín Ríos Montt in court on charges of genocide.
Judge Carol Patricia Flores is reflected in the glass behind Ríos Montt.
(Photo: Roderico Yool Diaz)

The Judge described testimony of rape, forced labor, torture, and assassinations. “We can establish,” she said, “that these are acts so degrading, so humiliating, that there is no justification.” “You, Señor Efraín Ríos Montt, could have prevented these crimes.” And, finally, Judge Flores stated that in the Maya-Ixil region of central Guatemala, during the years 1982 to 1983, the State had systematically ordered genocide. “We agree with the prosecutor's judgment that you, Señor Efraín Ríos Montt, probably participated in these acts of genocide and crimes against humanity.” With that, history was made: Efraín Ríos Montt will be tried for the Guatemalan genocide.

The expectant silence of the plaza below erupted in applause and shouts of “¡Asesino! ¡A la carcel!” tension erased from faces that now shone with exuberant smiles, hugs and handshakes exchanged as a bandolier of firecrackers exploded, scattering the pine needles and carnations of a large ceremonial carpet that spelled out “Impunity: Neither yesterday nor today.” I watched as members of the survivors' group Association for Justice and Reconciliation reacted to the culmination of their decades long campaign for justice. Don Emilio, a former president of the Association, gripped the hand of current president Don Benjamin, saying, “Tomorrow we will celebrate this historic event. Our struggle has become reality. It has all been worth it.”

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